Monday, April 03, 2006

Bronze Age trade and mleccha writing

Bronze Age Trade and Writing System of Meluhha (Mleccha) Evidenced by Tin Ingots from the Near vicinity of Haifa
[For Bronze Age Trade Workshop in 5ICAANE, April 5, 2006]
Srinivasan Kalyanaraman (Sarasvati Research Centre, India;
The discovery of two pure tin ingots in a ship-wreck near Haifa has produced two “Rosetta” stones to decode the “Indus script”. The epigraphs on the tin ingots have been deciphered as related to ranku “antelope”, “liquid measure”; read rebus: ranku 'tin'. As J.D. Muhly noted, the emergence of Bronze Age trade and writing system may be two related initiatives which started approximately in the Third Millennium B.C. It is surmised that the maritime-trade links between Ugarit and Meluhha might have extended from Crete to Haifa. Linking archaeology and philology is a challenging task. What language could the writings on Haifa tin ingots be? The breakthrough invention of alloying may have orthographic parallels of ligatured signs and ligatured pictorial motifs (such as a bovine body with multiple animal heads, combination of animal heads, combination of lathe and furnace on a standard device, ligaturing on a heifer, damr.a -- unicorn -- with one curved horn, pannier, kammarsala). A ligature of a tiger's face to the upper body of a woman is also presented in the round. The hieroglyphic code has been deciphered as words of Mleccha. Mleccha (Meluhha) was the language in which Yudhishthira and Vidura converse in the Mahabharata about the non-metallic killer devices of a fortification that was made of shellac. There is a depiction of a Meluhha trader accompanied by a woman carrying a kamandalu. There are, however, substratum words in Sumerian such as tibira “merchant” and sanga “priest” which are cognate with tam(b)ra “copper” (Santali) and sanghvi “priest” (Gujarati).
Lipshur litanies state: ' the land of carnelian' (Sumerian NA4.GUG, Akkadian sa_mtu). In the 17th century BC, the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon called himself, 'king of the kings of Dilmun, Magan, and Melukkha'. The Sumerian myth Enki and the World Order has Enki exclaiming: 'Let the magilum-boats of Melukkha transport gold and silver for exchange!' Enki and Ninkhursag (lines 1-9, Tr. by B. Alster) has references to the products of Melukkha: 'The land Tukrish shall transport gold from Kharali, lapis lazuli, and you. The land Melukkha shall bring carnelian, desirable and precious, sissoo-wood from Magan, excellent mangroves, on big-ships! The land Markhashi will (bring) precious stones, dus'ia-stones, (to hand) on the breast, mighty, diorite-stones, u-stones, s'umin-stones to you!'
This monograph presents four ‘rosetta stones’ to decipher the Indus script. 1. First and second are pure tin ingots with Sarasvati hieroglyphs discovered in the Haifa shipwreck; 2. Third is an Akkadian cylinder seal attesting to Meluhha as a language of bronze-age traders (sea-faring merchants); 3. Fourth is a cylinder seal from Ur showing tabaernamonta flower (used as hair-fragrance) which is read in Meluhha as tagaraka, rebus: tagara ‘tin’. The cryptography of the writing system is mlecchita vikalpa (which is recognized by Vatsyayana as one of 64 arts).

Bronze age trade and cryptography: mlecchita vikalpa
The following picture of these two ingots incised with epigraphs was published by J.D. Muhly [New evidence for sources of and trade in bronze age tin, in: Alan D. Franklin, Jacqueline S. Olin, and Theodore A. Wertime, The Search for Ancient Tin, 1977, Seminar organized by Theodore A. Wertime and held at the Smithsonian Institution and the National Bureau of Standards, Washington, D.C., March 14-15, 1977]. Muhly notes:"… copper is likely to be a local product; the tin was almost always an import... There is certainly no tin on Cyprus, so at best the ingots could have been transhipped from that island. How did they then find their way to Haifa? Are we dealing with a ship en route from Cyprus, perhaps to Egypt, which ran into trouble and sank off the coast of Haifa? If so, that certainly rules out Egypt as a source of tin. Ingots of tin are rare before Roman times and, in the eastern Mediterranean, unknown from any period. What the ingots do demonstrate is that metallic tin was in use during the Late Bronze Age...rather extensive use of metallic tin in the ancient eastern Mediterranean, which will probably come as a surprise to many people." (Muhly, J.D., 1976, Copper and Tin, Hamden, Archon Books, p.47). We do not know where the tin ingots were moulded, and where the epigraphs were incised, but it is possible to read the epigraphs using references to cryptography in Mahabharata and mlecchita vikalpa ‘cryptography’ mentioned by Vatsyayana in vidya samuddes’ah (objective of education in 64 arts).
In the old Akkadian period, the ingots of tin are called s'uqlu and weigh about 25 kg. The two ingots found at Haifa weigh about 5 kg. each.(details of the find and archaeological, archaeo-metallurgical contexts are elaborated at )
Two remarkable insights provided by Muhy and Potts have made this possible. Muhly noted, the emergence of bronze age trade and writing system may be two related initiatives which started circa 3rd millennium Before Common Era (BCE). Potts identified a glyph in what is clearly an Indus script epigraph as tabernaemontana flower which in Indic family of languages and in many ancient ayurveda texts is called tagaraka, read rebus tagara ‘tin’, also tagara ‘hair fragrance’.
This monograph reads the epigraphs inscised on the tin ingots as Sarasvati hieroglyphs of mleccha (meluhha) language which is part of the Indic language family. (These are called ‘Sarasvati hieroglyphs’ because, about 80% of the archaeological sites of the so-called Indus Valley civilization are on the banks of this Vedic river). The epigraphs ‘certify’ the metal as ranku, ‘tin’ (moulded out of) bat.a, a furnace; ranku is represented by two homonys: antelope, liquid-measure both phonetically read as ranku. bat.a is represented by X glyph, bat.a is a homonym meaning ‘road’. Thus, bot the epigraphs connote ‘tin (out of) furnace’. The two tin ingots become the two ‘rosetta stones’ validating the decipherment of sarasvati hieroglyphs (so-called Indus script) as the repertoire of a smithy/metalsmith-merchant engaged in the bronze-age trade of minerals, metals and alloys and using types of furnaces/smelters.
It will be an erroneous assumption to make that a writing system emerged only to write long texts. The system could have emerged to convey messages about valued artifacts in bronze age trade.. “Obviously no script could have survived indefinitely as a simple mixture of pictures and puns; its scope would have been far too restricted and it would have had in course of time to evolve into a syllabic script,” notes Chadwick in: Gerard Clauson and John Chadwick, 1969, Indus script deciphered?, Antiquity XLIII.
Yes, indeed. The Sarasvati hieroglyphs continued to be used on products manufactured in mints, such as early punch-marked coins of Asia Minor and India. The writing system of Sarasvati hieroglyphs continued on three media and not for writing long texts: 1. Line 1 of Sohgaura copper plate followed by text in Brahmi script to represent the facilities provided to itinerant smiths/merchants for metalwork; 2. About 5 devices on punch-marked coins to represent the repertoire of a mint; and 3. On sculptures of Barhut stupa and many representations in Angkor Wat, representing extraordinary ligatured glyptics such as those of makara. Two Sarasvati hieroglyphs became abiding metaphors: 1. narrow-necked jar which is shown on a Yajurveda manuscript discovered in Gujarat; 2. svastika which adorns many temple walls in India. It is possible that the glyphs and the underlying rebus or pun words, provided the basis for the choice of graphs used in the syllabic-phonetic scripts of Brahmi or Kharoshthi. "A lengthy prehistoric sequence has been established at the important site of Mehrgarh in Pakistani Baluchistan, where an aceramic occupation beginning around 7000 BCE that formed the foundation for the later ceramic Neolithis and Chalcolithic cultures in the region has recently been documented. Despite innovations and changes in the prehistoric sequence of the greater Indus Valley, there is an essential thread of unity and a strong stamp of cultural identity throughout that underscores the essentially indigenous, deeply rooted nature of Indian civilization. While points of contact with other regions are attested, they can hardly have accounted for the strength and individuality of civilization in the subcontinent." (Potts, 1995, p. 1457).
It is also possible that the glyph, for example, of a scorpion – and the underlying metaphor, meaning as kacc ‘iron’ -- could also have survived in the kudurru of Nebuchadnezzar, to depict him as a hero, an iron-man (illustrated).

Kudurru (boundary stone) marking of Nebuchadnezzar I (1126-1050 BCE), marking the king's land grant to Ritti-Marduk for military service in the inscription (not shown). The symbols appear in six registers. The first register is the eight-pointed star of Ishtar, the crescent of Sin and the sun-disk of Shamash. The second register represents the shrines of Anu, Enlil, and Ea. The third register consists of serpent daises upon which are the hoe of Marduk, the wedge of Nabu, and an unidentified symbol. The fourth register includes an eagle-headed scepter, a double-lion-headed mace, a horse's head on a double base with an arch, and a bird on a rod. The firth register shows the goddes Gula seated on a throne, with a dog (her symbol) lying beside her, and a scorpion-man, with the legs and feet of a bird, holding a bow and arrow. The last register includes double lightning forks supported by a bull (Adad), a tortoise, a scorpion, and a lamp on a pedestal (the symbol of Nusku, the god of light). A snake twists along the side of the kudurru. Ht. 56 cm. London, British Museum (After the notes in: Karen Rhea Nemet-Nejat, 1998, Daily life in Ancient Mesopotamia, London, Greenwood Press, p. 262). The 'star' sign denoted AN, sky god and also was the cuneiform sign to represent the word and syllable: AN. Many of these logographs are found among the Harappan glyphs. It is notable that the pictorial motifs are associated with weapons.
Mlecchita vikalpa
The term, mlecchita vikalpa, is used by Vatsyayana in Kamasutra in the verse related to vidyasamuddes’ah (objectives of education). Together with art of talking with letters and fingers (hand-sign language), and knowledge of dialects, Vatsyayana lists mlecchita-vikalpa as cryptography (cipher-writing) – as three of the 64 arts (education) to be learnt by a youth.
• Va_tsya_yana lists 64 arts to be studied (1.3.15).
• (47) aksara-mustika-kathana--art of talking with letters and fingers
• (48) mlecchita-vikalpa—cypher writing
• (49) desa-bhasa-jnana--art of knowing provincial dialects
The term, mlecchita, means ‘made by mleccha’, that is, mlecchita vikalpa refers to cryptography of copper-smiths. (It has been noted elsewhere that milakkhu in Pali and mleccha-mukha in Sanskrit, both mean ‘copper’. It is no mere coincidence that many epigraphs of the historical periods were inscribed on copper-plates recording economic transactions and edicts by rulers. It is also no mere coincidence that there are about 250 epigraphs with Sarasvati hieroglyphs inscribed on copper plates and metal objects.
Linking archaeology and philology is an exploration in cryptography. What language could the writings on Haifa tin ingots be based on? The breakthrough invention of alloying may have orthographic parallels of ligatured signs and ligatured pictorial motifs (such as a bovine body with multiple animal heads, combination of animal heads, combination of lathe and furnace on a standard device, ligaturing on a heifer, damr.a -- unicorn -- with one curved horn, pannier, kammarsala). A ligature of a tiger's face to the upper body of a woman is also presented in the round. The hieroglyphic code has been cracked as words of Mleccha. Mleccha (Meluhha) was the language in which Yudhishthira and Vidura converse in the Mahabharata about the non-metallic killer devices of a fortification made of shellac. There is a depiction of a Meluhha trader (accompanied by a woman carrying a kamandalu). There are, however, substratum words in Sumerian such as tibira 'merchant' and sanga 'priest' which are cognate with tam(b)ra 'copper' (Santali) and sanghvi 'priest' (Gujarati). (Kalyanaraman, S., 2003, Sarasvati, 7 vols. 1. Civilization, 2. Rigveda, 3. River; 4. Bharati, 5. Technology, 6. Language, 7. Epigraphs, Bangalore, Babasaheb Apte Smarak Samiti ) Such a collation of disparate evidences point to the indic family of languages as a possible part of the crypt.

Note on the one-horned young bull as a hieroglyph

The one-horned young calf could be dam.ra ‘heifer’; rebus tam(b)ra ‘copper’ or khad.ai_ ‘heifer’; rebus: kha_d. ‘trench fire-pit’ or kad.iyo ‘brick-layer’. kad.iyo [Hem. Des. kad.a i o = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kad.iyan.a, kad.iyen.a a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.) ka_t.i = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic) ka_t.ya = being in a hole (VS. XVI.37); ka_t.a hole, depth (RV. i. 106.6) kha_d. a ditch, a trench; kha_d.o khaiyo several pits and ditches (G.) ‘pit (furnace)’ (Santali) A homonymous glyph could be kad.i ‘chain’.

kad.i_ a chain; a hook; a link (G.); a bracelet, a ring (G.) [Note the orthography of rings shown on the neck of the one-horned young bull.]

khad.a_i_ a heifer (used in the Sorat.h Pra_nt)(G.) kat.ra_ bull calf; young buffalo bull; kat.iya_ buffalo heifer (H.); kat.r.a buffalo calf (WPah.); buffalo calf (Gaw.); kat.r.a_ young buffalo (P.)(CDIAL 245).

The pannier on the one-horned young bull is kammarasa_la (Telugu); rebus: karma_ras’a_la ‘smith’s workshop’. The one-horn is kod.u (Tamil); rebus: kot. ‘workshop’.
Find-spot of the first two ‘rosetta stones’
At the port of Dor, south of Haifa, fisherfolk had raised about 7 tonnes of copper and tin ingots in the 1970’s. In 1976 two ingots were found in a shipwreck in the sea near this Phoenician port. Ingot 1 and Ingot 2; Museum of Ancient Art, Municipal Corporation of Haifa.
These two tin ingots contain epigraphs in ‘Indus script‘ which will be elaborated in this monograph as Sarasvati hieroglyphs using underlying Indic language family (mleccha, meluhha!)
To what period the two ingots belonged is uncertain. The conjectures are that they could have come from Ugarit or Cyprus.
The glyphs incised on the ingots DO NOT resemble Cypro-Minoan symbols used in Cyprus or Hittite hieroglyphs used in Ugarit or Cretan hieroglyphs ca. 1500 to 1100 BC. (Appendix A: A Note on Cypro-Minoan symbols, Hittite hieroglyphs and Cretan hieroglphs on Phaistos Disk
One possibility is that they were weighed at Ugarit and stamped as they travelled through the long overland caravan route right upto the western end. [Sources: Anon., 1980, Ingots from wrecked ship may help to solve ancient mystery, Inst. Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies Newsletter, No. 1, 1-2; Maddin, R., T.S. Wheeler and J. Muhly, 1977, Tin in the ancient Near East: old questions and new finds, Expedition, 19, 35-47] .
Hypothesis: The epigraphs on the ingots could have been incised by tin-smiths/merchants, the underlying language of Indic family being: mleccha (meluhha).
Evidence of Meluhhan presence: a third ‘rosetta stone’
One region from which these tin ingots could have originated may be from smithe/merchants who spoke the Meluhha (mleccha) language which is part of the Indic language family. Such Meluhha speakers might have been in colonies of traders in Mari.
An Akkadian cylinder seal provides evidence for the presence of a Meluhhan in Mesopotamia.
Akkadian seal (after Powell, p. 390: The Bronze Age Civilization of Central Asia, New York, 1980). The translator of the Meluhhan (Sindhu Sarasvati) language (EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) is received by a person of high rank and sitting by his lap. Another Meluhhan sitting by three jars makes a greeting gesture. Two persons enter: one carries an animal, the other a kamandalu (alchemical water-vessel?). British Museum tablet #79987 enumerates a 'man of Meluhha' named (...)-ibra in a list of foes of Naram-Sin, King of Akkad, ca. 2250 BC. Cylinder seal impression; Legend: Shu-ilishu, Meluhha interpreter. Louvre AO 22310 (De Clercq Coll.); greenstone; De Clercq and Menant, 1888, No. 83. Collon, 1987, Fig. 637. Note: British Museum tablet #79987 enumerates a 'man of Meluhha' named (...)-ibra in a list of foes of Naram-Sin, King of Akkad, ca. 2250 BCE. "During the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, textual sources frequently refer to trade with Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha. Dilmun is known to be the island of Bahrain, Magan is probably present-day Makran and the territory opposite it in Oman, while at this period it seems that Meluhha referred to the Indus Valley where the flourishing cities of Mohenjo Daro and Harappa have been excavated. The Indus Valley civilisation used square stamp seals but under the impetus of trade some cylinder seals appear and a Meluhhan interpreter used a typical Akkadian seal." (Collon, 1987)

The Meluhhan being introduced carries an antelope on his arm.The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kaman.d.alu. Since he needed an interpreter, it is clear that the Meluhhan did not speak Akkadian. Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr..eka (Te.); (Ta.); (Skt.) Read rebus: me-la-hha.Thus, the antelope conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha (speaker). The hieroglyph is thus a phonetic determinant.

If the two tin ingots with epigraphs containing Sarasvati hieroglyphs constitute the first two ‘rosetta stones’, this cylinder seal constitutes the third ‘rosetta stone’ attesting to Meluhha as a non-Akkadian language.

There is evidence for the presence of meluhhan (Indus valley people) along the Persian Gulf region, along the sea/river route to Mari, on the right bank of Euphrates river, Mesopotamia.
"...More recent arcaheological researches in East Arabia have brought to light many finds which are related to the presence of Indus valley people. In the settlements of Hili 8 and Maysar-1, both of which have been investigated, Indus valley pottery is frequently found. Seals with Indus valley script and typical iconography indicate influences in Makkan down to the level of business organization. Marks identifying pottery in Makkan were taken from those used in the Indus valley, including the use of the signs on pottery used in the Indus valley. The discovery of a sea-port-- which may be ascribed to the Harappans-- at Ra's al-Junayz on Oman's east coast by an Italian expedition would seem to indicate that trade routes should be viewed in a more differentiated fashion than has been done upto now." [Sege Cleuziou, Preliminary report on the second and third excavation campaigns at Hili 8, Archaeology in the United Arab Emirates, vol. 2/3, 1978/79, 30ff.; Gerd Weisgerber, '...und Kupfer in Oman', Der Anschnitt, vol. 32, 1980, 62-110; Gerd Weisgerber, Makkan and Meluhha- 3rd millennium copper production in Oman and evidence of contact with the Indus valley, Paper read in Cambridge 1981 and to appear in South Asia Archaeology 1981; Tosi, M. 1982. A possible Harappan Seaport in Eastern Arabia: Ra's Al Junayz in the Sultanate of Oman, paper read at the 1st International Conference on Pakistan Archaeology, Peshawar]." Gerd Weisgerber, Dilmun--a trading entrepot; evidence from historical and archaeological sources, 135-142 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London, KPI, 1986. [Simo Parpola/Asko Parpola/Robert H. Brunswig, The Meluhha village. evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the later third millennium Mesopotamia?, Journal of the Economic and Political History of the Orient, vol. 20, 1977, 129-165. 'If the tablets and their sealed envelopes had not been found, in fact, we might never have suspected the existence of a merchant colony.' (T. Ozguc, An Assyrian trading outpost, Scientific American, 1962, 97 ff.).

The city-state of Lagash (ca. 2060: king Shulgi) records a toponym about the presence of a 'Melukkhan village'. (A. Parpola and S. Parpola, 1975, On the relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha, Studia Orientalia 46). The word 'Melukkha' also appears, occasionally, as a personal name in cuneiform texts of the Old Akkadian and Ur III periods. Seals of the Indian civilization have been found in Mesopotamia and Iran at Kish (modern Tell Ingharra), Ur, Tell Asmar, Nippur (modern Nuffar), and Susa; a shard with an inscription has been found at Ras al-Junayz, the southeastern extremity of the Oman Peninsula; seal impressions of the civilization have been found at Umma (Tell Jokha) and Tepe Yahya; pottery of the civilization has been found at Ras al-Junayz, Asimah, Maysar, Hili 8, Tell Abraq -- in Oman and United Arab Emirates. Susa, Qalat al-Bahrain, Shimal (Ras al-Khaimah) and Tell Abraq (Umm al-Qaiwain) -- sites around the Arabian Gulf -- have yielded cubical weights of banded chert (unit weight: 13.63 grams) which are the hall-mark of the civilization.
In Ras al-Janyz, in the southeast coast of Oman, a large quantity of bitumen was found in a mud-brick storeroom; the surmise is that the bitumen was used to caulk reed or wooden boats. This find also points to a significant presence of traders from the Indian civilization, during the late third and early second millennium, in Magan (Oman). A copper seal with a Sarasvati hieroglyph was discovered at Ras-al-Junayz. (The port has a green-back turtle reserve). Turtle or tortoise shells were an item of trade from Meluhha, according to Mesopotamian records. “Mats, sarcophagi, coffins and jars, used for funeral practices, were often covered and sealed with bitumen. Reed and wood boats were also caulked with bitumen. Abundant lumps of bituminous mixtures used for that particular purpose have been found in storage rooms of houses at Ra's al-Junayz in Oman. Bitumen was also a widespread adhesive in antiquity and served to repair broken ceramics, fix eyes and horns on statues (e.g. at Tell al-Ubaid around 2500 BC). Beautiful decorations with stones, shells, mother of pearl, on palm trees, cups, ostrich eggs, musical instruments (e.g. the Queen's lyre) and other items, such as rings, jewellery and games, have been excavated from the Royal tombs in Ur.” [Connan, J., 1999, 'Use and Trade of Bitumen in Antiquity and Prehistory: Molecular Archaeology Reveals Secrets of Past Civilizations', Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society London B 353: 33-50.],4,14;journal,86,116;linkingpublicationresults,1:102022,1 See also: which has a map pointing to origin of bitumen somewhere between Iraq and Israel.

Sea-faring merchants of Melukkha (Meluhha) and trade route of tin ingots

Mleccha trade was first mentioned by Sargon of Akkad (Mesopotamia 2370 B.C.) who stated that boats from Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha came to the quay of Akkad (Hirsch, H., 1963, Die Inschriften der Konige Von Agade, Afo, 20, pp. 37-38; Leemans, W.F., 1960, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, p. 164; Oppenheim, A.L., 1954, The seafaring merchants of Ur, JAOS, 74, pp. 6-17). The Mesopotamian imports from Meluhha were: woods, copper (ayas), gold, silver, carnelina, cotton. Gudea sent expeditions in 2200 B.C. to Makkan and Meluhha in search of hard wood. Seal impression with the cotton cloth from Umma (Scheil, V., 1925, Un Nouvea Sceau Hindou Pseudo-Sumerian, RA, 22/3, pp. 55-56) and cotton cloth piece stuck to the base of a silver vase from Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, R.E.M., 1965, Indus Civilization) are indicative evidence. Babylonian and Greek names for cotton were: sind, sindon. This is an apparent reference to the cotton produced in the black cotton soils of Sind and Gujarat. Ca. 2150-2000 BC, ivory from Meluhha is mentioned in connection with ivory bird figurines (Oppenheim 1954: II, 15 n.24). About 2000 BCEat Ur, ivory is attributed to Dilmun (Bahrein), perhaps shipped up the Gulf from the Indus where tusks and ivory objects were plentiful. Isin-Larsa period (ca. 2000-1800 BCE)texts refer to rods, combs, inlays, boxes, spoons, and 'breastplates' of ivory donated to temples by merchants returning from Dilmun (Oppenheim 1954: 6-12).
‘Melukkha’ is cognate with Pali ‘milakkha’ or Sanskrit ‘mleccha’. In Pali, ‘milakkha’ also means, 'copper'. In Sanskrit, ‘mleccha-mukha’ means ‘copper’.
The trading route through Mari on the Euphrates to Ugarit (Mediterranean Sea) and on to Minoan Crete. This routing may explain the presence of Harappan script inscription on tin ingots found at Haifa, Israel!
[After Potts, 1995] The body of water called the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Arabian Gulf, Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea were referred to by Herodotus as the Erythraean Sea. Dilmun is identified with Bahrain, Magan with Oman and Melukkha with the Indian Civilization. Sargon of Akkad boasts that ships from Dilmun, Magan and Melukkha docked at the quay of his capital Akkad. This inscription affirms that Melukkha was accessible by the sea-route, through the Arabian gulf.There is significant evidence for the presence of people and goods from and frequent interaction with the Indian Civilization in the Mesopotamian and Gulf areas. There is, however, little evidence of a Sumerian, Akkadian or Babylonian presence in India.
"Tin procurement at Mari was highly organized (Dossin 1970; Villard 1984: nos. 555-6). It travelled in the form of ingots weighing about 5 kg. each. It reached Mari by donkey caravan from Susa (Susiana) and Anshan (Elam) through Eshnunna (Tell Asmar). The relevant records contain the names of Elamite rulers and Elamite agents (Heltzer 1989). Tin was transmitted westwards, both as an item of royal gift-exchange and as a trade may well often have travelled by sea up the Gulf from distribution centres in the Indus Valley. In the Old Babylonian period tin was shipped through Dilmun (Leemans 1960: 35), as it had been a millennium earlier to judge by references in the Ebla texts...Strabo (xv.ii.10) referred specifically to Drangiana, the modern region of Seistan in south-west Iran (into Afghanistan) as a source of tin. Muhly (1973: 260) associated this directly with Gudea's report of receiving tin from Meluhha...A number of scholars have pointed out the possibility that tin arrived with gold and lapis lazuli in Sumer through the same trade network, linking Afghanistan with the head of the Gulf, both by land and sea (Stech and Piggott 1986: 41-4)." (P.R.S. Moorey, 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford, Clarendon Press pp. 298-299).
Map showing locations of Mari and Ugarit. The trading route through Mari on the Euphrates to Ugarit (Mediterranean Sea) and on to Haifa. This may explain the presence of Harappan script inscription on tin ingots found at Haifa, Israel ! [Map after Markus Wafler, 'Zu Status und Lage von Taba_l', Orientalia]. Meluhha and interaction areas (After Fig. 2 in P.R.S. Moorey, 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford, Clarendon Press).

Tin from Meluhha; Mleccha as a language

Tin used in Indus Valley civilization is well attested. (Hegde 1978; Chakrabarti 1979; Muhly 1985: 283; Stech and Pigott 1986: 43-4). Gudea c. 2100 BC, identified Meluhha as the source of his tin (Falkenstein 1966: i.48: Cylinder B: XIV). "...tin may well often have travelled by sea up the Gulf from distribution centres in the Indus Valley. In the Old Babylonian period tin was shipped through Dilmun (Leemans 1960: 35)... It is now known that Afghanistan has two zones of tin mineralization. One embraces much of eastern Afghanistan from south of Kandahar to Badakshan in the north-east corner of the country (Shareq et al. 1977); the other lies to the west and extends from Seistan north towards Herat (Cleuziou and Berthoud 1982), the valley of the Sarkar river, where the hills are granitic. Here tin appears commonly as cassiterite, frequently associated with copper, gold, and lead, and in quantities sufficient to attract attention in antiquity. Bronzes at Mundigak, and the controversial Snake Cave artefacts, indicate local use of bronze by at least the third millennium BCE(Shaffer 1978: 89, 115, 144). A number of scholars have pointed out the possibility that tin arrived with gold and lapis lazuli in Sumer through the same trade network, linking Afghanistan with the head of the Gulf, both by land and sea (Stech and Pigott 1986: 41-4)." (P.R.S. Moorey, 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford, Clarendon Press p. 298-299).
van:ga is also tin with the possible association of chalcolithic cultures in Bengal (2nd millennium B.C.) with possible links with the culture of Thailand of the same period (Solheim, W.C., Sciene, Vol. 157, p. 896). Hegde suggests the possibility that water-concentrated placer deposits referred to as 'stream tin' (alluvial cassiterite or mineral tin) in the proximity of Aravalli and Chota Nagpur Hills might have also been the sources of tin.
Meluhha (ancient Sindhu (Indus)-Sarasvati valley) could have been the early source of ancient tin. “There is an extensive belt of placer deposits in the Malay peninsula which stretches over a distance of 1000 miles. The location of the early tin mines is lost to history, but the first documented use of tin seems to be in Mesopotamia, followed soon by Egypt. The tin probably came in through the Persian Gulf, or down what would later be the Silk Route. Some tin has been found in central Africa, and could have supplied a small amount to Egypt. However, the earliest needs for the mineral must have been met by Indian sources, the material being carried westward by migrations from southern and eastern Asia toward the Mediterranean area or from nearby sources.”

There is evidence from a cylinder seal of Gudea, the king of Lagash (2143 – 2124 BCE) that tin came from Melukkha. (Muhly, J.D., 1976, Copper and Tin, Hamden, Archon Books, pp. 306-7).

Meluhha is the region where bharatiya languages, such as mleccha (cognate, melukkha, meluhha) were spoken; Mahabharata attests, in the context of a cryptographic reference, that Vidura and Yudhishthira spoke in mleccha. (Appendix B Cryptography and reference to mleccha as language in Mahabharata, and to khanaka, the miner contains text from the epic with a translation).

An Akkadian cylinder seal has been cited earlier as the second ‘rosetta stone’ attesting to meluhha as a language. A cognate term in Indic language family is: mleccha.

The antelope carried by the bearded Me-lah-ha on an Akkadian cylinder seal may be a phonetic determinant: mel.aka or mr..eka (Telugu)(melu-hha; also, melech, 'king'; plural form, 'melechim'). [cf. Melech Hamashiah: King Messiah; Akad: {Akkad} A city in Mesopotamia (now Iraq) which was part of Nimrod's kingdom, founded by Melech Sargon around 2350 BCE Genesis 10:10; KP
Jayaswal notes that mleccha was the Samskr.tam representation of Hebrew melekh meaning, 'king' and that the utterance: he lavah! he lavah! in the S'atapatha Bra_hman.a was a specimen of mleccha speech; that this spech is cognate with Hebrew e_loa_h (plural e_lo_him) meaning, 'God' (Jayaswal, KP, 1914, 'Kleine Mitteilungen', Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschraft,, vol. LXXII, p. 719). For the specimen of mleccha speech, an alternative explanation is provided in Maha_bha_s.ya with a variation, helayo helayo; Sa_yan.a_ca_rya notes that the speimen of Asura/mleccha speech is a variant of he 'rayo, he 'raya meaning, 'O the (spiteful) enemies', explained by the asuras' inability to pronounce the sounds, - r- and –y-. (Maha_bha_s.ya 1.1.1; KC Chatterjee, 1957, Patanjali's Maha_bha_s.ya, Calcutta, pp. 10-11; Sa_yan.a on S'atapatha Bra_hman.a,] The word me-la-hha may also be cognate with: mer.h, med.h, 'copper merchant'. Another example of a substrate term: Sumerian tibira, tabira (Akkadian. LU2 URUDU-NAGAR =. "[person] copper-carpenter"); a word indicating borrowing from a substrate. In Pkt. tambira = copper. According to Gernot Wilhelm, the Hurrian version of tabira is: tab-li 'copper founder'; tab-iri 'the one who has cast (copper)'.

This may explain why two statuettes made of solid gold and solid silver of Elamite kings also shown carrying an antelope in their hands: melech, 'king'.Elamite worshipper, Susa, Iran 12th century BCE (middle Elamite period), excavated by Ronald de Mecquenem in 1904.

Melakkha, island-dwellersAccording to the great epic, Mlecchas lived on islands: "sa sarva_n mleccha nr.patin sa_gara dvi_pa va_sinah, aram a_ha_ryàm àsa ratna_ni vividha_ni ca, andana aguru vastra_n.i man.i muktam anuttamam, ka_ñcanam rajatam vajram vidrumam ca maha_ dhanam: (Bhima) arranged for all the mleccha kings, who dwell on the ocean islands, to bring varieties of gems, sandalwood, aloe, garments, and incomparable jewels and pearls, gold, silver, diamonds, and extremely valuable coral… great wealth." (MBh. 2.27.25-26).

According to Geiger and Kern, Pa_li term, mila_ca meaning 'forest dweller' was the original variant of milakkha and was used in Ja_takas and Di_gha Nika_ya (Ja_taka, XIV, 486; XVII, 524; Geiger, Wilhelm, Pa_li Literature and Language, tr. BK Ghosh, Calcutta, 1956; repr., 2958, New Delhi, 1978; Kern, H., Toevoegselen op't Woordenbock van Childers, 2 pts., NR., XVI, nos. 4 and 5).This term, mleccha, should be differentiated from another term,, who were opposed to the doctrines of the times. There is no indication, whatsoever, in any text that mleccha
were; the mleccha were in fact, an integral and a dominant part of the community called in the R.gveda as, Bha_ratam janam – the people of the nation of Bha_rata (RV 3.53.12). Similarly, there is no indication whatsoever that mleccha were a distinct linguistic entity. The only differentiation indicated in the early texts that mleccha is ‘unrefined’ speech, that is, the lingua franca (as distinct from the dialects used in mantra-s or Samskr.tam). Thus mleccha is a reference to a common dialect, the spoken tongue in the Indic language family.

What distinquished mleccha and a_rya, when used in reference to language-speakers or dialect-speakers, were only places of habitation, norms of behaviour and dialectical variations in parole (ordinary spoken language) juxtaposed to grammatically 'correct' Samskr.tam or inscriptional Prakrits or Pali.

Mleccha in Sanskrit is milakkha or milakkhu in Pali, and the term describes those who dwell on the outskirts of a village. (Shendge, Malati, 1977, The civilized demons: the Harappans in Rigveda, Abhinav Publications).

A milakkhu is disconnected from va_c [refined speech, for e.g. as Samskr.tam, as distinguished from the natural (spoken dialect or lingua franca) Prakr.t] and does not speak Vedic; he spoke Prakrt. "na a_rya_ mlecchanti bha_s.a_bhir ma_yaya_ na caranty uta: aryas do not speak with crude dialects like mlecchas, nor do they behave with duplicity (MBh. 2.53.8). a dear friend of Vidura who was a professional excavator is sent by Vidura to help the Pa_n.d.avas in confinement; this friend of Vidura has a conversation with Yudhisthira, the eldest Pa_n.d.ava: "kr.s.n.apakse caturdasyàm ràtràv asya purocanah, bhavanasya tava dvàri pradàsyati hutàsanam, màtrà saha pradagdhavyàh pa_n.d.avàh purus.ars.abhàh, iti vyavasitam pàrtha dha_rtara_s.t.ra_sya me šrutam, kiñcic ca vidurenkoto mleccha-vàcàsi pa_n.d.ava, tyayà ca tat tathety uktam etad visvàsa on the fourteenth evening of the dark fortnight, Purocana will put fire in the door of your house. ‘The Pandavas are leaders of the people, and they are to be burned to death with their mother.’ This, Pa_rtha (Yudhis.t.ira), is the determined plan of Dhr.tara_s.t.ra’s son, as I have heard it. When you were leaving the city, Vidura spoke a few words to you in the dialect of the mlecchas, and you replied to him, ‘So be it’. I say this to gain your trust.(See Appendix B).

This passage shows that there were two Arya-s distinguished by language group, Yudhis.t.ra and Vidura. Both are aryas, who could speak mleccha language (mleccha va_casi); Dhr.tara_s.t.ra and his people (who could also speak mleccha) are NOT arya (respected persons) only because of their behaviour.
"Tin from 'Meluhha'...According to the Larsa texts, merchants were there (in Mari and Lrsa) to purchase copper and tin: the copper came from Magan in Oman, via Tilmun (Bahrain), but the origin of the tin is left in question. Tin mines in north-west Iran or the Transcaucasus are highly unlikely. Fortunately, there is evidence for another tin source in texts from Lagash. Lagash, about 50 km east of Larsa, was of minor importance except under the governorship of Gudea (ca. 2143-2124 BC). His inscriptions indicate extensive trade: gold from Cilicia in Anatolia, marble from Amurra in Syria, and cedar wood from the Amanus Mountains between these two countries, while up through the Persian Gulf or 'Southern Sea' came more timber, porphyry (strictly a purplish rock), lapis lazuli and tin. (Burney, 1977, 86; Muhly, 1973, 306-7, 449 note 542; Muhly, J.D., 1973, Tin trade routes of the Bronze Age, Scientific American, 1973, 61, 404-13). One inscription has been translated:
Copper and tin, blocks of lapis lazuli and ku ne (meaning unknown), bright carnelian from Meluhha.
"This is the only reference to tin from Meluhha...either Meluhha was a name vague enough to embrace Badakhshan (the northernmost province of Afghanistan) as well as some portion of the Indian subcontinent including the Indus valley, or 'tin from Meluhha' means that the metal came from some port in Meluhha -- just as 'copper from Tilmun' means copper from elsewhere shipped through the island of Bahrain. Whichever interpretation is correct, the result is the same. Tin must have come from somewhere in India, or from elsewhere along a trade route down the Indus valley. India is not without its tin locations, rare though they are...The largest deposits in India proper are in the Hazaribagh district of Bihar. 'Old workings' are said to exist... (Wheeler, R.E.M., 1953, The Indus Civilization, CUP, 58)...Tin bronzes from Gujarat are at the southernmost limit of Indus influence. The copper could have come from Rajasthan, though copper ingots at the port of Lothal, at the head of the Gulf of Cambay, suggest imports from Oman or some other Near Eastern copper mining district. Tin supplying Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, most famous of the Indus cities, may have been sent overland to Lothal for export, though the scarcity of tin in the Indus cities makes this idea unconvincing.
"At Harappa, three copper alloys were used in the period 2500-2000 BC: copper and up to 2% nickel; copper and up to 5% nickel; copper with ca. 10% tin and a trace of arsenic. Ingots of tin as well as of copper were found at Harappa. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C., 1967, Archaeology and metallurgy in prehistoric Afghanistan, India and Pakistan, American Anthropologist, 1967, 69, 145-62). The rarity of the metal is seen at Mohenjo-daro where, of 64 artifacts examined, only nine were of tin bronze. (Tylecote, R.F., 1976, A History of Metallurgy, The Metals Society, p. 11). Ingots of tin bronze have also been found at Chanhu-daro. Yet in spite of its scarcity, tin bronze was widely used. Its occasional abundance and, in the case of the bronzes from Luristan in southern Iran, the high quality of the tin bronzes produced, equally underline the fact that rich source of tin existed somewhere...
"The archaeological evidence from Afghanistan is not unequivocal...What is surprising is the discovery in 1962 of corroded pieces of sheet metal bearing traces of an embossed design and made of a low tin content bronze (5.15%)...The uncorroded metal is thought to have contained nearer 7% tin. (Caley, E.R., 1972, Results of an examination of fragments of corroded metal from the 1962 excavation at Snake Cave, Afghanistan, Trans. American Phil. Soc., New Ser. , 62, 43-84). These fragments came from the deepest level in the Snake Cave, contemporary with the earliest occupation dated by 14C to around 5487 and 5291 BC. (Shaffer, J.G., in Allchin F.R. and N. Hammond (eds.), 1979, The Archaeology of Afghanistan, Academic Press, 91, 141-4)...If this dating is acceptable, not only is this metal the earliest tin bronze known from anywhere, but it is also an isolated occurrence of far older than its nearest rival and quite unrelated to the main development of bronze age metallurgy...
"Even more exciting is the evidence from Shortugai… In 1975, French archaeologists discovered on the surface at Shortugai, sherds of Indus pottery extending over more than a millennium - the whole span of the Indus civilization. (Lyonnet, B., 1977, Decouverte des sites de l'age du bronze dans le N.E. de l'Afghanistan: leurs rapports avec la civilisation de l'Indus, Annali Instituto Orientali di Napoli, 37, 19-35)… Particularly important is a Harappan seal bearing an engraved rhinoceros and an inscription which reinforces the belief that the site was a trading post. Shortugai is only 800 km from Harappa, as the crow flies, though the journey involves hundreds of kilometres of mountainous terrain through the Hindu Kush...Lyonnet's conclusion was that the most likely explanation for their existence was an interest in 'the mineral resources of the Iranian Plateau and of Central Asia', to which can now be added those of Afghanistan itself. Indus contacts extended well into Turkmenia where the principal bronze age settlements, such as Altin-depe and Namasga-depe, lie close to the Iranian border…
"A fine copper axe-adze from Harappa, and similar bronze examples from Chanhu-daro and, in Baluchistan, at Shahi-tump, are rare imports of the superior shaft-hole implements developed initially in Mesopotamia before 3000 BC. In northern Iran examples have been found at Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Tepe Hissar in level IIIc (2000-1500 BC)...Tin was more commonly used in eastern Iran, an area only now emerging from obscurity through the excavation of key sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. In level IVb (ca. 3000 BCE)at Tepe yahya was found a dagger of 3% tin bronze. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C. and M., 1971, An early city in Iran, Scientific American, 1971, 224, No. 6, 102-11; Muhly, 1973, Appendix 11, 347); perhaps the result of using a tin-rich copper ore. However, in later levels tin bronze became a 'significant element in its material culture' comparatble with other evidence from south-east Iran where at Shadad bronze shaft-hole axes and bronze vessels were found in graves dated to ca. 2500 BC. (Burney, C., 1975, From village to empire: an introduction to Near Eastern Archaeology, 1977, Phaidon). The richness of Tepe Yahha, Shahr-i-Sokhta, and Shadad, are all indicative of trade and 'an accumulation of wealth unsuspected from the area'. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1973, reviewing Masson and Sarianidi (1972) in Antiquity, 43-6)....Namazga-depe and neighbouring sites are a long way from the important tin reserves of Fergana...The origin of Near Eastern tin remains unproven; the geological evidence would favour the deposits of Fergana and the Tien Shan range..." (Penhallurick, R.D., 1986, Tin in Antiquity, London, Institute of Metals, pp. 18-32). See Appendix D Some excerpts from Muhly, Forbes, Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud on sources of tin; tin of Melukkha !
[The cuneiform characters meluh-ha should be read with an alternative phonetic value: me-lah-ha. (Parpola, Asko, S. Koskenniemi, S. Parpola and P. Aalto, 1970, Decipherment of the Proto Dravidian Inscriptions of the Indus Valley, no. 3, Copenhagen, p. 37; me-la_h-ha are a clan from a Sindhi tribe known as Moha_na.)]
D.K. Chakrabari (1979, The problem of tin in early India--a preliminary survey, in: Man and Environment, Vol. 3, pp. 61-74) opines that during the pre-Harappan and Harappan periods, the main supply of tin was from the western regions: Khorasan and the area between Bukhara and Samarkand. The ancient tin mines in the Kara Dagh District in NW Iran and in the modern Afghan-Iranian Seistan could have been possible sources. Harappan metal-smiths used to conserve tin by storing and re-using scrap pieces of bronze, making low-tin alloys and substituting tin by arsenic. It is possible that some of the imported tin (like lapis lazuli) was exported to Mesopotamia.
Among Sarasvati hieroglyphs, there are homophonous glyphs, that is a variety of glyphs with the same phonetic value. This may explain why two distinct hieroglyphs + one common hieroglyph (X glyph) are used on each of the two tin ingots.
Use of rebus method
Rebus (Latin: by means of things) is a graphemic expression of the phonetic shape of a word or syllable. Rebus uses words pronounced alike (homophones) but with different meanings. Sumerian script was phonetized using the rebus principle. So were the Egyptian hieroglyphs based on the rebus principle.
The use of the rebus method is justified on the following collateral evidence and analysis:
According to the Parpola concordance which contains a corpus of 2942 inscriptions, 300 inscriptions are composed of either one sign or two signs. Many signs occur in predictable pairs; 57 pairwise combinations account for a total frequency of 3154 occurrences (32% of 9798 occurrences of all pairwise combinations). Given the statistical evidence that the average length of a text is 5 signs, it is apparent that one sign or a pair of signs represents a ‘substantive category’ of information, i.e., a complete message.
In addition to the field symbol, the texts of the inscriptions are composed of an average of five signs. The longest inscription has 26 signs (found on two identical three-sided tablets: M-494 and M-495 of Parpola corpus).
There are over 170 inscriptions with only one sign (in addition to the field symbol); about 30 inscriptions have only two signs (Seppo koskenniemi et al., 1973, p. x)
A number of signs appear in duplicated pairs: for example,
Sign 245 occurs in 70 pairs. (Sign 245 represents nine squares in a rectangle or a chequered-rectangle)
These are apparently not duplicated alphabets or syllables.
Many pictorials in inscriptions in field symbols also occur in pairs: two tigers, two bisons, two heads of the unicorn.
These statistics establish the following facts:
A combination of pictorials without the use of any sign constitute the message.
One or two signs and/or a pair of signs are adequate to compose the core of the messages.
This leads to the apparent conclusion that the solus sign or each sign in pairwise combinations (which constitute the core of information conveyed) is not an alphabet or a syllable, but a WORD.
This apparent evidence is echoed in Koskenniemi et al: "... the Indus script is in all likelihood a relatively crude morphemographic writing system. The graphemes would usually stand for the lexical morphemes... This hypothesis is based on the approximate date this writing system was created (circa 26th century B.C.), the parallel presented by the Sumerian writing system of that time (the Fara texts of the 26th century), the brevity of recurring combinations, and the number of different graphemes." (Koskenniemi and Parpola, 1982, pp. 10-11). Another echo is found in the structural analysis of Mahadevan: " G.R. Hunter (1934, p. 126) formulated a set of criteria for segmentation of the texts and found that almost every sign of common occurrence functioned as a single word. The Soviet group (M.A. Probst and A.M. Kondratov in Y.V. Knorozov et al., Proto-Indica, Moscow, 1965) analyzed texts on the computer and concluded that the Indus script is essentially morphemic in character, resembling the Egyptian hieroglyphic system in this respect. I have described the logical word-division procedures developed by me (I. Mahadevan, "Recent advances in the study of the Indus script", Puratattva, Vol. 9, p. 34), which show that most of the signs of the Indus script are word-signs... no one has so far been able to establish by objective analytical procedures the existence of purely phonetic syllabic signs in the Indus script... Phonograms formed by the rebus principle can be recognized only if the underlying language is known or assumed as a working hypothesis. Since the identity of the Harappan language has not yet been established beyond doubt, it cannot be said that any phonogram has been recognized with certainty... It is however very likely that there are rebus-based phonograms in the Indus script, as otherwise, it is very difficult to account for the presence of such unlikely objects such as the fish, birds, animals and insects in what are most probably names and titles on the seal-texts. It is likely that the Indus scrip resembles in this respect the Egyptian script in which pictographic signs serve as phonetic signs based on the rebus principle (e.g. the picture of a ‘goose’ stands for ‘son’ as the two words are homonymous in the Egyptian language). It is no always possible in the present state of our knowledge to distinguish between ideograms and phonograms..." (I. Mahadevan, "Towards a grammar of the Indus texts: ‘intelligible to the eye, if not to the ears’, Tamil Civilization, Vol. 4, Nos. 3 and 4, Tanjore, 1966, pp. 18-19).
Orthography and analysis of some sequences of graphemes in the inscriptions
Parpola notes (1994, pp. 84-85), echoing similar observations by Mahadevan: "…a few signs are indeed found mostly at the end of inscriptions, notably sign 342 (‘jar’ grapheme)and sign 211 (‘arrow’ grapheme) and they are major aids in the segmentation of texts. The sign 342 (‘jar’ grapheme) is by far the most common sign of the Indus script, representing about 10 percent of all sign occurrences. About one-third of all inscriptions end with this sign…the sign is never found at the beginning of inscriptions…The sequence sign 102 (‘three short strokes’) followed by sign 192 mainly occurs at the end of inscriptions, and is never followed by the usual ‘end’ sign 342 (‘jar’ grapheme)…"
Messages convey through inscriptions: lists of articles traded or furnaces used to smelt/melt the minerals, or to produce the metals or alloys.
In addition to the field symbol, the texts of the inscriptions are composed of an average of five signs. The longest inscription has 26 signs (found on two identical three-sided tablets: M-494 and M-495 of Parpola corpus).
There are over 25 inscriptions with only pictorial motifs, 40 inscriptions with only one sign (in addition to the field symbol); about 110 inscriptions have only two signs; and nearly 150 inscriptions have only 3 signs. (See also: Seppo koskenniemi et al., 1973, p. x). A number of inscriptions use from 1 to 12 short strokes, an apparent system of marking 'quantities'.
This is a remarkably cryptic (economical) use of graphemes and an indication that the graphemes (or signs) and (perhaps, also pictorials) may refer to physical objects and numbers.
Among the ashes on a warehouse floor in Lothal were found a hundred clay tags, bearing inscriptions created by seal impressions on one side and of packing materials (bamboo, mattings, woven cloth, cords, reeds) on the other.
It has also been noted by earlier attempts at decipherment that many seals with inscriptions have cord holes, suggesting that the seals might have been worn by their owners. Many have also suggested that the epigraphs would have been used for trade transactions.

Analysis of hieroglyphs on the tin ingots

Two shipwrecks were found with tin ingots; one was in Haifa, Israel and another was in Cape Gelidonya, southern Turkey (Anatolia). Two tin ingots found in Haifa, Israel contained epigraphs incised on the ingots. The epigraphs were roughly like these (excluding the ligatures):
Considering that both the ingots were almost the same weight and had the same purity of tin, it may be surmised that the two glyphs preceding the ‘X’ were glyphonyms (that is, glyphs connoting the same message).

Let us also assume that the two glyphs are hieroglyphs with underlying homonyms (that is, similar sounding lexemes) of a language. It should be noted that Mayan hieroglyphs and Mesopotamian cuneiform were are hieroglyphs read rebus. The significance of the hieroglyphs is that they will be readable only with ONE language. The ‘indus script’ had about 400 signs and about 100 pictorial motifs both constituting the framework for such a rebus reading of the language. There are cognate glyphs used on Rongorongo script used on Easter Island; the language represented could be Rapa Nui, a Polynesian language.

There is no need for bilingual texts to decipher a script. The script of Sumerian, a linguistic isolate, was phonetically deciphered in reference to Semitic family of languages. Similarly, it is possible to decipher the Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Indus script) using the Indic family of languages. This may cause some concerns about the ‘indo-european’ links. Let us for now assume that there was a linguistic area ca. 5th-4th millennia BCE in the bronze age trade area. (A linguistic area is defined as an area with languages interacting and absorbing features from one another, making the features their own; a good example is the use of duplicative words which are common across indo-aryan, Dravidian and munda streams and also in Nahali, a language spoken on the banks of River Tapati, not far from Bhibhetka caves (now declared a World Heritage site) with paintings showing spoked-wheels, chariots and horses ! There is a way to get to the Indic family of languages. A proto-vedic continuity theory has been postulated to explain the semantic interactions among all indic language family members.

If the underlying language is of indic family or family of bharatiya languages (that is from the ancient Melukkha (mleccha region), a surprising result emerges. The underlying lexeme is ‘ran:ku’

‘ran:ku’ connotes: liquid measure, antelope and also tin (ore). (See Appendix C).

This pictograph which zooms into tin ingot 1, clearly refers to an antelope as depicted on the Mohenjodaro copper plate inscription: (m-516b shown).

Sign 182 is a stylized glyph denoting a ram or antelope: tagar (Skt.); rebus: takaram ‘tin’ (Ta.)

Liquid measure: ran:ku; rebus: ran:ku = tin; rebus: ran:ku = antelope. Thus both liquid measure glyph and antelope glyphs are graphonyms (graphically denoting the same rebus substantive: ran:ku, ‘tin’.
Tin ingot 1 (zoomed in)
Tin ingot 2 (zoomed in)
The three signs zoomed-in in the illustrations, have parallels in the inscriptions of the civilization; in m-1336 the 'antelope' pictograph appears together with the 'liquid-measure' pictograph; X sign occurs on many inscriptions with many variants elaborating it as a junction of two roads:
m-1336a 2515 (Mahadevan)
m-1097 (On this seal, the antelope appears in the middle of the inscription; it is apparently this pictograph that gets normalised as a 'sign', Sign 184 and variants].

m1341 2092 m0516At
m0516Bt 3398 m0522At m0522Bt 3378 (Note: m0516 and m-522 are copper plates; on m0516 side A of the copper plate shows the antelope glyph; on m0522 side B the antelope glyph becomes a middle segment of a three-glyph epigraph. This is a clear demonstration of the continuum of the so-called field symbols or pictorial motifs and the so-called sigs of the so-called Indus script. Both the ‘pictorial motifs or field symbols’ and ‘signs’, a bi-partite categorization used in the corpuses of Parpola and Mahadevan, are hieroglyphs).
ran:ku ‘liquid measure (Mundari)
Sign 249 Sign 252 and variants

The Sign 249 which is shown on the second tin ingot of Haifa, Israel is a representation of an ingot, assuming that this shows an ingot is shaped like the one taken out of a mould. The X sign (with a ligatured perpendicular short linear stroke) is common on both the tin ingots.

The hieroglyphs may be read:
ran:ku ‘liquid measure’; ran:ku ‘antelope’. Read rebus, the hieroglyphs connote ran:ku ‘tin’.

Both the glyphs may be decoded as denoting ‘tin’ (ore) to describe the nature of the ingots being moved on the ships to Haifa and to Cape Gelidonya.

The ‘liquid measure’ glyph may be seen to be a liquid measure by the orthographic styles shown on Sign Variants of Sign 252 with part filling of the liquid measuring container (with a handle). That the ‘antelope’ sign is a derivative from the ‘antelope’ glyph is seen from the Sign Variants of Signs 182 to 184
V182 V184
Signs 182, 183, 184 The sign 182 is repeatedly used on a copper plate epigraphs and substitutes for an ‘antelope’ glyph.

Note: Since the antelope is denoted by both the words: ranku and mr..eka, this could also connote a bronze (tin + copper, i.e. bronze) smelter. This may expxlain why on copper plates m0522 and m0516, both the ‘liquid measure’ and ‘antelope’ glyphs are shown. Alternatively, when shown on a tin ingot, the antelope sign may denote that the tin ingot was cast in a bronze smelter. It appears that there were distinct smelter/furnace types used for specific metals and specific alloys.

Sign 149 Sign 149 and variants This glyph could connote the junction of two roads: bat.a means ‘road’; rebus: bat.a means ‘furnace, smelter’.

An alternative interpretation for the X glyph and its variants, is possible, again in Indic family of languages.

X may refer, rebus, to dha_tu ‘mineral’. ta_tu = powder, dust, pollen (Ta.); to.0 = powdery, soft (of flour or powdered chillies)(To.). There is a possibility that the early semant. Of ‘dha_tu’ was cassiterite, powdery tin mineral.

If X glyph connotes a cross over: da~_t.u = cross over; da.t.- (da.t.-t-) to cross (Kol.); da_t.isu – to cause to pass over (Ka.); da.t.- (da.t.y-) to cross (mark, stream, mountain, road)(Ko.); ta_t.t.uka to get over or through (Ma.); ta_n.t.u = to cross, surpass (Ta.)(DEDR 3158). In RV 6.044.23 the term used is: tridha_tu divi rocanes.u = ‘three-fold amr.tam hidden in heaven’ is the metaphor; and in RV 8.044.12 the term is: tridha_tuna_ s’arman.a_.

6.044.23 This Soma made the dawns happily wedded to the sun; this Soma placed the light within the solar orb; this (Soma) has found the threefold ambrosia hidden in heaven in the three bright regions. [ayam tridha_tu divi rocanes.u, trites.u, trites.u vindat amr.tam nigu_l.ham = Soma becomes as it were ambrosia when received or concealed in the vessels at the three diurnal ceremonies, which ambrosia is properly deposited with the gods abiding in the third bright sphere, or in heaven].

8.040.12 Thus has a new hymn been addressed to Indra and Agni, as was done by my father, by Mandha_ta_, by An:girasa; cherish us with a triply defended dwelling; may we be the lords of riches. [Triply defended dwelling: tridha_tuna_ s'arman.a_ = triparvan.a_ gr.hen.a, with a house of three joints; in RV. 1.34.6, tridha_tu s'arma = va_tapitta s' dha_tutrayas'amana vis.ayam sukham; in RVV 1.85.12 s'arma tridha_tu_ni = pr.thivya_dis.u tris.u stha_nes.u avasthita_ni sukha_ni gr.ha_ni va_; Note: it is possible that the term may simply mean, three elements, three minerals, copper, silver, gold].
Cognate sign pictographs are:
Sign 137 and variants
Sign 142 and variants
In addition to the glyphs of antelope and liquid-measure to read rebus: ranku ‘tin’, there is another homonymous lexeme which also refers to tin:

r-an:ku, ran:ku = fornication, adultery (Te.lex.) This semantics explains the extraordinary glyptics employed on many epigraphs, showing the sexual act.

A bull mating with a cow. Seal impression (BM 123059). From an antique dealer in Baghdad. Cf. Gadd 1932: no. 18. m0489Atm0489Btm0489Ct
m0489At m0489Bt A standing human couple mating (a tergo); one side of a prism tablet from Mohenjo-daro (m489b). Other motifs on the inscribed object are: two goats eating leaves on a platform; a cock or hen (?) and a three-headed animal (perhaps antelope, one-horned bull and a short-horned bull). The leaf pictorial connotes on the goat composition connotes loa, the copulation motif connotes kamd.a; hence, the reading is of this pictorial component is: lohar kamar = a blacksmith, worker in iron, superior to the ordinary kamar, a Hindu low caste (Santali.lex.)]

Seal, Dilmun seal from Failaka island in the Gulf. A standing human couple mating (a tergo). [After Paul Kjaerum, 1983, Failaka/Dilmun: the second millennium settlements, I.1: the stamp and cylinder seals, Jutland Archaeological Society Publications, 17.1, Aarhus: no. 269]

Seal, Dilmun seal from Failaka island in the Gulf. A standing human couple mating (a tergo). [After Paul Kjaerum, 1983, Failaka/Dilmun: the second millennium settlements, I.1: the stamp and cylinder seals, Jutland Archaeological Society Publications, 17.1, Aarhus: no. 269]

Coitus a tergo. A symbolism which recurs on some Sarasvati epigraphs. Cylinder-seal impression from Ur showing a squatting female. L. Legrain, 1936, Ur excavations, Vol. 3, Archaic Seal Impressions “It seems probable that these seals (with erotic art scenes) were products meant for a lower level of state officials (the owners of the country estates, for instance) instead of those living in town in close contact with the center of administration.” (Jack M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, p. 2527).

Fourth ‘rosetta stone’: Ur cylinder seal showing tagaraka flower; rebus: tagara ‘tin’

Ur cylinder seal impression (cut down into Ur III mausolea from Larsa level; U. 16220), Iraq. BM 122947; enstatite; Legrain, 1951, No. 632; Collon, 1987, Fig. 611. Source: Editors of Time-Life Books, 1994, Ancient India: Land of Mystery, p. 12. The link to Sarasvati hieroglyphs is provided by the hieroglyph: zebu bull (or, brahmani bull). Seen in the context of comparable glyph on a Tell Abraq comb and a BMAC flask, this five-petalled flower fronting the zebu bull is identified by DT Potts as tabernaemontana.

This becomes the fourth ‘rosetta stone’ because there is a word in Indic family of languages, also attested in ayurveda texts of historical periods referring to this flower and with homonymous words representing ‘tin’.

t.agara = tabernaemontana (Skt.) This is a flower, tagaraka, used as a hair-fragrance (Skt.) and hence is also depicted on a bonecomb.

• The thorny shrub in front of the zebu bull is also a hieroglyph. ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; edel dare ran:ga con:ga dareka = this cotton tree grows with spikes on it (Santali)
• Rebus: ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (an~jana) (Santali).

Logographs: (1) Dotted circles and (2) five-petal motif
Tell Abraq comb (TA 1649; 11x8.2x0.4 cm); decorated bone comb in a context datable to ca. 2100-2000 BCEat Tell Abraq, emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates, on the southern coast of the Arabian Gulf (Fig. 2 a and b in: D.T. Potts, 1993, A new Bactrian find from southeastern Arabia, Antiquity 67 (1993): 591-6) Two logographs used are: dotted circles (3) and two flowers, long-stemmed, with lanceolate-linear leaves with undulate margins (like Tulipa montana, Lindl. or mountain tulip). The flower motif occurs on a Bactrian flask (picture below).
A soft-stone flask, 6 cm. tall, from Bactria (northern Afghanistan) showing a winged female deity (?) flanked by two flowers similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq (After Pottier, M.H., 1984, Materiel funeraire e la Bactriane meridionale de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations: plate 20.150)
The orthography of the two glyphs of tabernaemontana (tagaraka) is comparable to the orthography of the ‘sign’ shown on an early potsherd from Harappa which could represent the early emergence of a writing system (Sarasvati hieroglyphs). The potsherd has been discovered in 1998: See Slide 124 Inscribed Ravi sherd (1998 find at Harappa: Kenoyer and Meadow); the sherd contains the same sign (ca. 3300 BC). Source:
Location of Tell Abraq, southern coast of Arabian Gulf
It will be established through the use of lexemes from the Indian linguistic area that the motifs: (1) dotted circles which recur on ivory combs; and (2) the flower -- 'five-petal motif' (which looks like a mountain tulip)-- both motifs are related to the cosmetic substances used by women to beautify their hair and bodies (unguents for hair and body). The 'dotted circles' motif also occurs in metallurgical contexts.
Primary marks on metal ingots of shipwreck at Gelidonya
Gelidonya shipwreck. Ca. 1200 BCE Primary marks impressed in the metal ingots before it solidified. (Photo: INA) Slide# CG94 (Photo: INA) Slide# CG100

The primary marks are glyphs of a rimless pot and a peg. These glyphs are comparable to the following Sarasvati hieroglyphs, representing two typeof smelting/metal furnaces: bat.a and kut.hi. The primary marks thus denote the types of furnaces or smelters used to create the metal (mould or ingot or alloy).
V328 (323 ocurrences)
V177 m1409At m1409Bt (Glyph of a pillar with ringstones?)

bat.i =wide-mouthed rimless jar (Telugu) bat. hi =smelting furnace (Hindi Santali)
bat.a `rimless pot' Kannada) bat.a `kiln, furnace' Gujarati)

khut.i Nag. (Or. khut.i_) diminutive of khun.t.a, a peg driven into the ground, as for tying a goat (Mundari.lex.) khun.t.i = pillar (Santali.lex.)

Many homonymous glyphs

There could be a number of homonymous glyphs to represent the substantive message of bat.a or kut.hi or the specify the minerals involved, since the homonyms are phonetically similar sounding.

Sign 12 kut.i = a woman water-carrier (Te.) kut.i = to drink; drinking, beverage (Ta.); drinking, water drunk after meals (Ma.); kud.t- to drink (To.); kud.i to drink; drinking (Ka.); kud.i to drink (Kod.); kud.i right, right hand (Te.); kut.i_ intoxicating liquor (Skt.)(DEDR 1654).

kut.i, kut.hi, kut.a, kut.ha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kur.a_ tree; kar.ek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kut.ha, kut.a (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kut.ha_ra, kut.ha, kut.aka = a tree (Skt.lex.) kut., kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kut.amu = a tree (Te.lex.)

V051 Sign 51 might have been normalised from an early variant which depicts a mouse or rat seen from the back. There could be two glyphs involved: one, that of kaca 'scorpion'; rebus: kacc 'iron' and the second, that of rat sun.d.a; rebus: sun.d. 'pit furnace'. sun.d.a musk-rat (Ka.)(DEDR 2661)].

An alternative to kacc ‘iron’ could be the lexeme Kansa_ (Skt.), kancu ‘bronze’ (Telugu)

Ball reiterates Lassen's comment that the Greek word kassiteros was derived from kastira (V. Ball, 1880, A geologist's contribution to the History of Ancient India, in: Journal of Royal Geological Society of Ireland, Vol. 5, Part 3, 1879-89, Edinburgh, pp. 215-63).

But Bevan feels (E.J. Rapson ed., 1921, The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Delhi, Indian Edn., S. Chand and Co., p. 351) that kastira was derived from kassiteros. Such a controversy also existed about a_raku_t.a in Sanskrit and oreichalkos in Greek ('mountain copper') which refer to brass. Pliny called this aurichalcum or golden copper (since brass is yellow) )(Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 34.2 and 37.44).
Monier-Williams' lexicon suggests that the root for kastira was ka_ns (to shine). There is a possibility that the root might have yielded kan:sa_ which means bronze or copper-tin alloy. (AV, 10.10.5: s'atam. kan:sa_h indicating the possible use of the metal as an exchange unit).

The most emphatic rebus representation of the pubes of a woman yields the homonym kut.hi

See A symbolism of a woman spreading her legs apart, which recurs on an epigraph. Cylinder-seal impression from Ur showing a squatting female. L. Legrain, 1936, Ur excavations, Vol. 3, Archaic Seal Impressions. [cf. Nausharo seal with two scorpions flanking a similar glyph with legs apart – also looks like a frog]. Fig. 95; Susa, stamp seal of bitumen compound, Louvre, MDAI, 43, no. 1725; a woman shown full-face is squatting with legs apart, possibly on a stool. (A similar image of a woman with legs spread out occurs on an Ur seal impression and on a Mohenjodaro tablet). (Not illustrated).

Why is a pair of scorpions shown flanking the woman glyph? A pair that is two is represented by: bar, barea = two (Santali.lex.) Rebus: ba~r.ia~ = merchant; = blacksmith (Santali.lex.) Thus a pair of the same scorpion (rebus: kac ‘iron’) glyphs may connote that the seal belonged to an ‘iron merchant’ who had a smelter. (The reference to ‘iron’ may be to meteoric metal). See Appendix C Ardhasamskr.tam and semantic clusters from indic family of languages.
Metal to which was attached a great price
Painting on the wall of the passage in the tomb of Rekh-mi-Re (Wise of God), ca. 1470-1445 BCEat Thabes; porters carry metal ingots; one carries on his shoulder an ox-hide ingot of copper; following two porters carry two baskets containing oblong ingots. The accompanying text says: 'bringing Asiatic copper which his Majesty carried off from his (Syrian) victory in the land of Retenu in order to cast two doors of the temple of Amun.' (After Plate LIII, Norman de Garis Davies, 1943, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re at Thebes, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Davies notes that temple doors were made of copper in the mixture of six parts to one part; it is likely that the one part refers to tin). Expounding on the reference to Asiatic copper in this text, Harris noted that it referred to a special copper alloy, and its notably light colour could indicate a high tin content. (Harris, J.R., Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, 1961, Deutsche Akademie de Wissenschaften zu Berlin Institut fur Orientforshung). Lepsius described it as a 'variety to which was attached a great price.' (Harris, opcit., p.57). It is likely that the oblong ingots carried by two porters are tin ingots of the type discovered in the shipwreck at Haifa.
It is well known that many animal motifs dominate even small seals or tablets which contain epigraphs of the civilization; animals such as bull, heifer, rhinoceros, tiger, antelope, ram, buffalo, elephant, alligator or lizard.

One explanation is that, in a linguistic area of the times, each of these animals could be represented rebus (by similar sounding homonyms) to write the property items of the smithy or mint or forge. These homonyms are detailed elsewhere. (Kalyanaraman, 2003, opcit.)

But, why are groups of animals used as a recurrent motif?

There is a word in Telugu which can explain such a group, lexeme clusters which can, semantically, be interpreted as an 'animal specie'. pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.lex.) cf. pasu = animal; ato posu = domestic animal; bir pasu = wild animal (Santali); pas'u = animal (Skt. Ta.) Another homonymous word is pa_so ‘die’ (orthography: dotted circle). pa_s'o = a silver ingot; pa_s'a_ta_n.iyo = one who draws silver into a wire (G.) pa_slo = a nugget of gold or silver having the form of a die (G.)

The rebus word is: pasra 'smithy'. pasra = a smithy, a place where a blacksmith works; to do a blacksmith's work; kamar pasrat.hene sen akantalea = our man has gone to the smithy; pasrao lagao (or ehop) akata = he (the blacksmith) has started his work (Santali ); pasra (Mundari)(Santali.lex.Bodding) pasra, pasa_ra (Sad.; Or. pasra_, a blacksmith's implements) = a blacksmith's forge; the place where a brazier (t.ent.era, malar.a) makes his bowls, armlets; ne pa_l t.apuakana pasarate idiime = this ploughshare is blunt, take it to the smithy; the set of a blacksmith working in his forge; pasra o = of the blacksmith's work in the forge; pa nasra = the length of a blacksmith's work n the forge; pasraili = rice beer offered for sale; pasra mer.ed , pasa_ra mer.ed = syn. of kot.e mer.ed = forged iron, in contrast to dul mer.ed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.)

pan~ja_va_, pa~ja_va_ = brick kiln (P.); pa~_ja_ kiln (B.); paja_vo (G.)(CDIAL 7686). paya_n = potter's kiln (B.)(CDIAL 8023). paja_vo = a kiln; cf. paca_vavum, to digest in the stomach ( G.lex.) pa_car-ai = pa_t.i vi_t.u, i.e. town house or army house (Pur-ana_.)
Thus, when a group of animals is represented as a composite pictorial motifs, the intention is to depict a smithy, while individual animals relate to specific property items of the smithy: furnace types, minerals, metals or alloys.

A smithy or a kiln could also be depicted by the following glyphs and read rebus: The ligature on the Nal pot ca 2800 BCE(Baluchisan: first settlement in southeastern Baluchistan was in the 4th millennium BCE) is extraordinary: an eagle's head is ligatured to the body of a tiger. In BMAC area, the 'eagle' is a recurrent motif on seals. Ute Franke-Vogt: "Different pottery styles link this area also to central and northern Balochistan, and after about 2900/2800 BCE to southern Sindh where, at this time, the Indus Civilization took shape. The Nal pottery with its particular geometric and figurative patterns painted in blue, yellow, red and turquoise after firing is among the earliest and most dominanstyles in the south."

pajhar. = the Indian tawny , the Indian black eagle, the Indian crested hawk; eagle, buru pajhar., the hill-eagle, aquila imperialis; hako sat.i pajhar. = a fish-eating eagle (also called dak pajhar.); huru pajhar. = the imperial eagle (Santali .lex.) panji-il = a certain feather in each wing of a vulture (Mundari .lex.) [See the hieroglyph of an eagle ligatured to a tiger on a Nal pot. kol is pancaloha, alloy of five metals (Tamil); kollan ‘smith’ (Tamil); rebus kol ‘tiger’ (Santali)]

pajhar. = to sprout from a root; pagra = a cutting of sugar-cane used for planting (Santali .lex.)

panjaramu = the body; skeleton (Te.lex.) panjara = skeleton, ribs (MBh.)(CDIAL 7685).

Possible parallels in proto-elamite hieroglyhs

Gudea of Lagash inscriptions: 'the Meluhhans came up (or down) from their country
to supply wood and other raw materials for the construction of the main temple of
Gudea's capital.' In the inscription of Cylinder A, Gudea of Lagash describes his involvement with craftsmen: "the ruler sat with the silversmiths building Erinnu with precious stones, he sat with
the jewelers building with copper and tin Ninturkalamma (goddess) directed before him the craftsmen and metal casters (Jacobsen 1987: 408). Neo-Assyrian ruler Sennacherib also shows his interest in metalworking: in one inscription he claims innovation in casting colossal metal statues (cf. Dalley 1988: 103-5); in another inscription, a reference is made to the alloy used for casting ornamental metal friezes for gates (cf. Walker 1988: 116).

Gudea Cylinder A as Given by C.J. Gadd in his ' A Sumerian- Reading Book". The following lines are taken from Text XIII pp. 97.

1. e -nin-gir-su-ka (The temple of ningirsu) du-de (to build)
2. ........... nim ( the Elamite) nim-ta (from Elam) mu-na-tum (brought to him)
3. INANNA.ERIN -e (the Susian ) INANNA.ERIN-ta (from susa) mu-na-tum
(brought to him)
4. ma-gan me-luh-ha (Magan and Meluhha) kur-bi-ta (from their mountains ) gu-gis
(a store of wood)
5. mu-na-ab-gal (provided for him) e-nin-gir-su-ka (and the temple of Ningirsu)
6. du-de (to build) gu-de-a (for Gudea) uru-ni-gir-su-(KI)-su ( to his city of Girsu)
7. gu-mu-na-si-si (they brought it together)
God Enki boasts of the moored Dilmun boats and magilum-boat of Melahha:
". . . . I would watch over its green cedars (?).
The l[ands] of Magan and Dilmun
Looked up at me, En[ki],
Moored (?) The Dilmun-boat to the ground (?),
Loaded the Magan-boat sky high;
The magilum-boat of Meluhha
Transports gold and silver,
Brings them to Nippur for Enlil, the [king] of all the lands."

"Enki and the world order" From The Sumerians, by Samuel Noah Kramer

In the current state of our knowledge, we may conclude that the Indus population prolongs for the essential that which was established already from the -VIIIth millennium BCEin Baluchistan. There is no essential rupture from the beginnings of Mehrgarh to the fall of the Indus civilization towards -1800. This civilization is the apogee of a group of cultures that had progressively developed and enlarged their territory since the beginning of the neolithic. This has not prevented multiple contacts with the west, first through Iran, later by sea, and these contacts have brought modes, techniques, religious ideas, and, assuredly also, men. [Bernard Sergent, 1997, La Genese de l’inde, Payot (Origins of the Indus Civilization’, p 149, trans. By Sunthar V.]
Dholavira (Kotda) on Kadir island, Kutch, Gujarat22; 10 signs inscription found near the western chamber of the northern gate of the citadel high mound (Bisht, 1991: 81, Pl. IX); each sign is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white crystalline rock
Dholavira signboard uniquely displays 10 glyphs, four of which are spoked-wheels.

Cylinder Seal with Caprids and Trees, unpierced, Heulandite, Susa, Proto-Elamite Pd., h: 3.4 cm
From the Proto Elamite Period, 3100 BCE - 2700 BCE (Aruz, Joan, Prudence O. Harper, and Francoise Tallon, eds. The Royal City of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, pg 74.)*iodid=3 9

Two goats eating from a tree on a mountaintop in proto-Elamite seals from Susa (after Amiet 1972: 978 and Legrain, 1921: 316. This motif is found on a Harapan tablet.. The leaf on a mountain motif is found on a seal from Kalibangan.

Jamdat Nasr cylinder seals 1, 2, 3 (Note the dotted circles on the seal; pa_slo ‘die’; rebus: pasara ‘smithy’)

Sign 232 seems to be a liagure of sign 230 and sign 326 Sign 230 (54)

Mountain topped by a leaf gets stylized as an important motif. Pro-elamite glyptics. Leaf motif. 1-c, After Legrain,L., 1921, Empreintes de cachets elamites, Mem. Mission Arch. De Perse 16, Paris: 62-654; d. After Amiet, P., 1961, La glyptique mesopotamienne archaique, Paris: 497; Mundigak IV.3; 3. After Casal, J.M., 1961, Fouilles de Mundigak I-II. Mem. Delegation Arch. Franaise en Afthanistan 17, Paris: fig. 102: 485; f. Early Harappan. Kalibangan. After Sankalia, 1974: 346, fig. 88d, A. H-L; cf. Fig. 23.45 Asko Parpola, 1996, fig. 23.45. Two goats eating from a tree on a mountain top in proto-Elamite seals from Susa [After Amiet, P., 1972, Glyptique susienne I-II, Mem. Delegation Arch. En Iran 43, Paris: 978 and Legrain, L., 1921, Emprientes de cachets elamites, Mem. Mission Arch. De Perse 16, Paris: 316].
The finds of seal impressions clearly demonstrate the use of epigraphs on seals for trade. Elsewhere, it has been argued on the Sarasvati web that the inscriptions on Sarasvati Sindhu seals and tablets denoted lists of minerals, metals and furnaces.
Blade-axes in Mohenjo-daro, DK area, inscribed similar to a Zebu bull seal found in DK area.
(After Parpola, A., Tasks, methods and results in the study of the Indus Script, in: JRAS, 1975, no.2, pp. 178-209).
The spoked-wheel glyph also occurs on blade-axes and on a Zebu bull seal. The occurrence on metal weapons points to links with smithy. The zebu bull (which is normally perceived as a signature glyph of Sarasvati civilization, which roams the streets of many cities and towns in Gujarat even today), is adar d.angra; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Kannada); d.angra ‘smith’ (Hindi). The nave of the spoked wheel is eraka; rebus erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.) eruvai ‘copper’ (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). Homonymous glyphs/lexemes: eraka = raised arm (of the person ligatured to a bull’s behind). Pairing is explained rebus: barea ‘two’; rebus: bar.ea ‘merchant’.

m0296 Two heads of one-horned bulls with neck-rings, joined end to end (to a standard device with two rings coming out of the top part?), under a stylized tree with nine leaves.
Zebu and nine leaves. In front of the standard device and the stylized tree of leaves, are the black buck antelopes. Black paint on red ware of Kulli style. Mehi. Second-half of 3rd millennium BCE. [After G.L. Possehl, 1986, Kulli: an exploration of an ancient civilization in South Asia, Centers of Civilization, I, Durham,
NC: 46, fig. 18 (Mehi II.4.5), based on Stein 1931: pl. 30.

lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy) Glyph: lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (B.) on-patu = nine (Ta.)

Mleccha and non-mleccha dialects (des’I or des’a bha_s.a: Vatsyayana)

In terms of language history of Bha_ratavars.a, the philological debates of S'abara and Kuma_rila exemplify the extensive borrowings among mleccha speakers and others, an example of what modern linguistics terms as 'dialectical substratum'. The debates also indicate that there was no unilateral closure on the part of the Samskr.tam or Prakrit or Pali speakers to reject the interactive processes which were natural processes in the evolution of the language spectrum of Bha_ratavars.a. While there was no wholesale rejection or absorption, the dialectical differences between mleccha and non-mleccha languages were certainly emphasised. This situation is also
exemplified by the problems faced by linguists in classifying the Nahali language spoken by communities in the Tapati River Valley south-west of the Vindhya Ranges. The accommodative mode of contacts has been succinctly summarised by William Bright: "For language history in general, structural borrowing can be associated with an 'accommodative' mode of cultural contact, attested throughout the history of South Asia, whereas constraints on linguistic borrowing are likely to be associated with a more 'separatist' mode of contact." [William Bright, 1990, Language Variation in South Asia, Oxford, p. ix]. How can Nahali be termed a language isolate when 50% of the words are ‘indo-aryan’, 25% are ‘dravidian’ and 25% are ‘munda’? It could merely exemplify a linguistic area.
substrate languages. A language (in particular as it appears in proper names and geographical names) may show signs of so called substrate languages (like the influence of Celtic on ancient Gaul; compare some Indian geographical names in the US attesting the original inhabitants). Some professional names and agricultural implements in Sumerian show that agriculture and the economic use of metals existed before the arrival of the Sumerians.
Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are:
professional names such as simug 'blacksmith' and tibira 'copper smith', 'metal-manifacturer' are not in origin Sumerian words.
agricultural terms, like engar 'farmer', apin 'plow' and absin 'furrow', are neither of Sumerian origin.
craftsman like nangar 'carpenter', a:gab 'leather worker'
religious terms like sanga 'priest'
some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not Sumerian in origin.
These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived.
Franklin, Alan D., Jacqueline S. and Theodore A. Wettime, 1977, New evidence for sources of and trade in bronze age tin, The Search for Ancient Tin, Seminar organized by Theodore A. Wertime and held at the Smithsonian Institution and the National Bureau of Standards, Washington, D.C., March 14-15, 1977].

Koskenniemi, Seppo & Asko Parpola & Simo Parpola, 1973. Materials for the study of the Indus script, I: A concordance to the Indus inscriptions. (Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, B 185.) Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.

Koskenniemi, Kimmo & Asko Parpola, 1982. A concordance to the texts in the Indus script. (Department of Asian and African Studies, University of Helsinki, Research Reports, 3), Helsinki: Department of Asian and African Studies, University of Helsinki.
Muhly J. D. (v. Maddin R.)
Copper and Tin. The Distribution of Mineral Resources and the Nature of the Metals Trade in the Bronze Age, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Science 43 (1972), pp. 155-535, 46 (1976), pp. 77-136The Copper Ox-Hide Ingots and the Bronze Age Metals Trade, Iraq 39 (1977), pp. 73-82Ancient Cartography. Man’s Earliest Attempts to Represent His World, Expedition 20/2 (1978), pp. 26-31Bronze Figurines and the Near Eastern Metalwork, IEJ 30 (1980), pp. 148-161Kupfer, RlA 6 (1980-1983), pp. 348-364Sources of Tin and the Beginnings of Bronze Metallurgy, AJA 89 (1985), pp. 275-291Metalle und Metallurgie, RlA 8 (1993), pp. 119-136Mining and Metalwork in Ancient Western Asia, in J. Sasson ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, New York 1995, pp. 1501-1521Cyprus, in E. M. Meyers ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, 2, New York - Oxford 1997, pp. 89-96Metals. Artifacts of the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages, in E. M. Meyers ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, 4, New York - Oxford 1997, pp. 5-15Metals. Typology and Technology, in E. M. Meyers ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, 4, New York - Oxford 1997, pp. 1-5
Muhly J. D. - Stech T. - Maddin R. ,Çayönü and the Beginnings of Metallurgy in Anatolia and Mesopotamia, XXXIV RAI, Ankara 1998, pp. 533-545Muhly J. D. - Wertime T. A., Evidence for the Sources and Use of Tin During the Bronze Age of the Near East: A Reply to J. E. Dayton, World Archaeology 5 (1973), pp. 111-125
Potts, D. T., 1991. Further excavations at Tell Abraq: The 1990 season. Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Pp. 155.

Potts, D. T., 1995, Distant Shores: Ancient Near Eastern Trade, in: Jack M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. I, pp. 1451-1463.

Potts. D.T., 1999, The archaeology of Elam: Formation and trans-formation of an ancient Iranian state, Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Appendix A Note on Cypro-Minoan symbols, Hittite hieroglyphs and Cretan hieroglphs on Phaistos Disk

Table of Cretan pictographic signs compared with Egyptian hieroglyphs, Phoenician and allied sign lists and classical Greek and allied alphabets (After Fig. 1 in: F. Melian Stawell, 1931, A Clue to the Cretan Scripts, London, G. Bell and Sons Ltd.) Some sound-values in Cretan and in Phoenician seem to correspond.
Some Linear A ideograms, ligatures and fractions (After Fig. 6 in David W. Packard, 1974) "The script begins at the time of the foundation of the first palaces in the MMI period (about 2000 BCE)and continues into the early part of MM III (perhaps down to 1650 BC). Since the inscriptions are all extremely short, the prospects for decipherment are discouraging; and there is fundamental disagreement about so basic a question as whether the script is ideographic or phonetic. About two dozen of the Hieroglyphic signs resemble signs occurring later in Linear A and B, and the same sequence of signs occurs both on Hieroglyphic seals and Linear A religious inscriptions. (Tables of parallel signs: Ventris-Chadwick (1956,33), Pope (1968, opcit., 438), Raison-Pope (1971, Index du lineaire A. Rome. xiv). It is difficult to see how this could occur if the first script were purely ideographic and the second syllabic. In any case, the obvious ideographic use of four signs to designate agricltural commodities on a Hieroglyphic tablet has an exact paralle in Linear B where these same signs represent wheat, oil, olives and figs. They also occur (in the same order) on several Linear A tablets. (The Hieroglyphic table is P 121; the Linear A is HT 91; cf. HT 14,21,114,116). The second Cretan palace script is Linear A. Despite its obvious resemblance to the earlier script it is not easy to document a natural development from one to the other. Linear A was in use in Phaistos as early as 1850 BC, long before the disappearance of the first script; but the bulk of the surviving texts date from the destruction of the palaces at the end of LM Ib (around 1450 BCE)with a smaller number assignable to MM III and none securely dated after 1400 BC...Linear B script was used by the Mycenaean Greeks at Pylos, Mycenae, and Thebes for accounting documents in the Greek language. Its use in Crete is restricted almost entirely to Knossos at the time of the Greek occupation in the LM II period...A theory holds that the Greeks on the mainland had encountered Minoan writing earlier in their trade with Crete and had adapted it to their own languge, perhaps already in the Shaft-Grave period." (David W. Packard, 1974, Minoan Linear A, Berkeley, Univ. of California Press)
Hittite hieroglyphs, Ankara Museum of Anatolian Civilizations (ca. 17th to 8th century BCE) See image at
Hieroglyphic Luwian Phonetic Signs:
The simple vowels:
The dipthongs:

The Consonant-Vowel signs

The Consonant-Vowel-Consonant signs:
See for symbols of Cretan hieroglyphs on Phaistos Disk
Early seal impression from Knossos with pictographic signs (Middle Minoan; sealings impressed by such hieroglyphic seals were found in buildings destroyed in the disasters of ca. 1450 BC; early clay tablets of Crete at the palace at Phaistos are dateable to the 19th cent. BC. Note the double-axe and the human foot, the third sign may be a fish. (After Fig.90 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson)
Three-sided logographic seal from Knossos; note the double-edged axe and other tools depicted (After Figure 1a in David W. Packard, 1974, Minoan Linear A, Berkeley, Univ. of California Press)
A sample of what was called the First Cretan Palace Script is provided in a three-sided seal. (See Pope, M., 1968, The First Cretan Palace Script, Atti e Memorie del Primo Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia I, 438-447. Rome.) While thie script occurs on inscriptions on seal stones, some finds at Knossos, Phaistos and Mallia show clay accounting documents on tablets, bars and labels, similar to those written in Linear A. (Source: Scripta Minoa; After P 22b in Fig. 5: F. Melian Stawell, 1931, A Clue to the Cretan Scripts, London, G. Bell and Sons Ltd.)
Flattened Cretan cylinder seal with perforation down its length, with designs on one side or both of the curving faces (Middle Minoan times) (After Fig.88 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson)
Seal-inscription; the antelope with its head turned back is associated with a sharp-edged single-bladed axe (pelekhys) (Semant. Tamil: pil.a = to split with an axe); in Harappan script, two animals are depicted with their heads turned back: the antelope and the tiger. The lexeme related to 'the looking back' and the animals are related to smithy. Krammara ‘to look back’ (Telugu); rebus: kamar ‘smith’ (Santali); karma_ra (Skt.)
Seal-inscriptions; the logograph of an axe is central to these four samples (Source: Scripta Minoa; After Fig. 65G, 26,31,159, p 33 and p 7a in Fig. 3: F. Melian Stawell, 1931, A Clue to the Cretan Scripts, London, G. Bell and Sons Ltd.)
Scorpion and rogalidha on early Cretan seals (After Fig.3 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson)
Cretan bronze tools: a, double adze; b and c, double axes; d, single-bladed axe; 3, axe-adze; f, sickle; g, chisel.(After Fig.45 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson) "The general all-purpose tool of the Bronze Age Cretans was an axe-adze with a shaft hole for mounting on a wooden handle. The same tool, but made of iron, is still used throughout Crete today; the axe blade for cutting trees and clearing undergrowth, the adze for hoeing and weeding. Another standard tool in Bronze Age Crete was the double-bladed axe. Single-bladed axes and double adzes were also employed. At first the shaft holes for these tools were circular, but later they were made oval. The oval shaft hole was an improvement, because the wooden handle could not twist round in it." (Sinclaid Hood, opcit., p. 84).
Shrine of the Double Axes
Goddess with attendants from the Shrine of the Double Axes at Knossos (After Fig.117 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson) "...a small room with a bench at the back on which stood little clay images of a goddess and a god and their attendants or worshippers, together with two pairs of horns of consecration with holes in the top for inserting cult objects: either bronze double axes, as Evans thought, or leafy twigs or branches...Set into the floor was a circular tripod altar...The goddess from the Shrine of the Double Axes has arms raised in the customary manner, and is wearing a long skirt and many necklaces and bracelets. On each wrist she carries a seal stone. Marks on her hands may be meant for fishes. On her head is a dove...Animals associated with Cretan goddesses apart from snakes and doves included goats, lions, and imaginary sphinxes and griffins which were merely lions, usually with wings, and with the heads of women or of birds." (Sinclair Hood, opcit., pp. 134-135). It is notable that the images of gods and goddesses in the Hindu pantheon in historical periods are adorned with weapons on their multiple hands.
Bull, double-axe, sacral knot
"The double axe, the most common of the cult symbols, occurred only in tombs in the Prepalatial period. In the Protopalatial period pottery marked with the double axe symbol was found in a town sanctuary, though the double axe itself has not appeared in such a cult room. An extant stand of this date, however, indicates that the double axe was put on display then. The stand and the double axe grew larger in the Neopalatial period. Elaborate incised and reduplicated blades of gold, silver, and bronze have been found. The symbol became more popular as a pottery motif, sometimes in connection with the bull and the sacral knot. The connection of the double axe with the bull suggest that the double axe is the axe of sacrifice and that as such it became the symbol of the divinity to whom the bull was sacrificed...The sacral knot, an object rarely found but often depicted on pottery together with the double axe, first appeared in a tomb deposit ranging from Prepalatial to Protopalatial in date...The horns of consecration, which probably represents the horns of the bull, rarely appears in the same sanctuary as the double axe and the bull...The snake, like the bird, became more prominent in the Postpalatial period. Unlike the bird it was always an attribute on a goddess or a cult object...The meaning of the double axe is uncertain, but it seems to have been connected particularly with the palace at Knossos, which was known in mythology as the labyrinth. This word is derived from labruV, a Lydian word meaning double axe according to Plutarch." (Geraldine Cornelia Gesel, 1985, Town, palace, and house cult in Minoan Crete, Goteborg, Paul Astroms Forlag).
Appendix B Cryptography and reference to mleccha as language in Mahabharata, and to khanaka, the minerMahabharata > Adi a > atugriha Parva CXLVIIMahabharata > Adi Parva > Jatugriha Parva CXLV – CXLIX


evamukteShu rAGYA tu pANDaveShu mahAtmasu .
duryodhanaH para.n harShamAjagAma durAtmavAn .. 1..\sa purochanamekAntamAnIya bharatarShabha .
gR^ihItvA dakShiNe pANau sachiva.n vAkyamabravIt .. 2..\mameya.n vasusampUrNA purochana vasundharA .
yatheyaM mama tadvatte sa tA.n rakShitumarhasi .. 3..\na hi me kashchidanyo.asti vaishvAsikatarastvayA .
sahAyo yena sandhAya mantrayeya.n yathA tvayA .. 4..\sa.nrakSha tAta mantra.n cha sapatnAMsh cha mamoddhara .
nipuNenAbhyupAyena yadbravImi tathA kuru .. 5..\pANDavA dhR^itarAShTreNa preShitA vAraNAvatam .
utsave vihariShyanti dhR^itarAShTrasya shAsanAt .. 6..\sa tva.n rAsabha yuktena syandanenAshu gAminA .
vAraNAvatamadyaiva yathA yAsi tathA kuru .. 7..\tatra gatvA chatuHshAla.n gR^ihaM paramasa.nvR^itam .
AyudhAgAramAshritya kArayethA mahAdhanam .. 8..\shaNasarjarasAdIni yAni dravyANi kAni chit .
AgneyAnyuta santIha tAni sarvANi dApaya .. 9..\sarpiShA cha satailena lAkShayA chApyanalpayA .
mR^ittikAM mishrayitvA tva.n lepa.n kuDyeShu dApayeH .. 10..\shaNAnvaMsha.n ghR^itaM dAru yantrANi vividhAni cha .
tasminveshmani sarvANi nikShipethAH samantataH .. 11..\yathA cha tvaM na sha~NkeranparIkShanto.api pANDavAH .
Agneyamiti tatkAryamiti chAnye cha mAnavAH .. 12..\veshmanyeva.n kR^ite tatra kR^itvA tAnparamArchitAn .
vAsayeH pANDaveyAMshcha kuntI.n cha sasuhR^ijjanAm .. 13..\tatrAsanAni mukhyAni yAnAni shayanAni cha .
vidhAtavyAni pANDUnA.n yathA tuShyeta me pitA .. 14..\yathA rameranvishrabdhA nagare vAraNAvate .
tathA sarva.n vidhAtavyaM yAvatkAlasya paryayaH .. 15..\GYAtvA tu tAnsuvishvastA~nshayAnAnakutobhayAn .
agnistatastvayA deyo dvAratastasya veshmanaH .. 16..\dagdhAneva.n svake gehe dagdhA iti tato janAH .
GYAtayo vA vadiShyanti pANDavArthAya karhi chit .. 17..\tattatheti pratiGYAya kauravAya purochanaH .
prAyAdrAsabha yuktena nagara.n vAraNAvatam .. 18..\sa gatvA tvarito rAjanduryodhana mate sthitaH .
yathokta.n rAjaputreNa sarva.n chakre purochanaH .. 19..\

pANDavAstu rathAnyuktvA sadashvairanilopamaiH .
ArohamANA bhIShmasya pAdau jagR^ihurArtavat .. 1..\rAGYashcha dhR^itarAShTrasya droNasya cha mahAtmanaH .
anyeShA.n chaiva vR^iddhAnA.n vidurasya kR^ipasya cha .. 2..\eva.n sarvAnkurUnvR^iddhAnabhivAdya yatavratAH .
samAli~Ngya samAnAMshcha balaishchApyabhivAditAH .. 3..\sarvA mAtR^IstathApR^iShTvA kR^itvA chaiva pradakShiNam .
sarvAH prakR^itayashchaiva prayayurvAraNA vatam .. 4..\vidurashcha mahAprAGYastathAnye kurupu~NgavAH .
paurAshcha puruShavyAghrAnanvayuH shokakarshitAH .. 5..\tatra kechchidbruvanti sma brAhmaNA nirbhayAstadA .
shochamAnAH pANDuputrAnatIva bharatarShabha .. 6..\viShamaM pashyate rAjA sarvathA tamasAvR^itaH .
dhR^itarAShTraH sudurbuddhirna cha dharmaM prapashyati .. 7..\na hi pApamapApAtmA rochayiShyati pANDavaH .
bhImo vA balinA.n shreShThaH kaunteyo vA dhana~njayaH .
kuta eva mahAprAGYau mAdrIputrau kariShyataH .. 8..\tadrAjyaM pitR^itaH prApta.n dhR^itarAShTro na mR^iShyate .
adharmamakhila.n kiM nu bhIShmo.ayamanumanyate .
vivAsyamAnAnasthAne kauneyAnbharatarShabhAn .. 9..\piteva hi nR^ipo.asmAkamabhUchchhAntanavaH purA .
vichitravIryo rAjarShiH pANDushcha kurunandanaH .. 10..\sa tasminpuruShavyAghre diShTa bhAva.n gate sati .
rAjaputrAnimAnbAlAndhR^itarAShTro na mR^iShyate .. 11..\vayametadamR^iShyantaH sarva eva purottamAt .
gR^ihAnvihAya gachchhAmo yatra yAti yuthiShThiraH .. 12..\tA.nstathA vAdinaH paurAnduHkhitAnduHkhakarshitaH .
uvAcha paramaprIto dharmarAjo yudhiShThiraH .. 13..\pitA mAnyo guruH shreShTho yadAha pR^ithivIpatiH .
asha~NkamAnaistatkAryamasmAbhiriti no vratam .. 14..\bhavantaH suhR^ido.asmAkamasmAnkR^itvA pradakShiNam .
AshIrbhirabhinandyAsmAnnivartadhva.n yathA gR^iham .. 15..\yadA tu kAryamasmAkaM bhavadbhirupapatsyate .
tadA kariShyatha mama priyANi cha hitAni cha .. 16..\te tatheti pratiGYAya kR^itvA chaitAnpradakShiNam .
AshIrbhirabhinandyainA~n jagmurnagarameva hi .. 17..\paureShu tu nivR^itteShu viduraH sarvadharmavit .
bodhayanpANDavashreShThamida.n vachanamabravIt .
prAGYaH prAGYaM pralApaGYaH samyagdharmArthadarshivAn .. 18..\viGYAyeda.n tathA kuryAdApadaM nistaredyathA .
alohaM nishita.n shastraM sharIraparikartanam .
yo vetti na tamAghnanti pratighAtavida.n dviShaH .. 19..\kakShaghnaH shishiraghnashcha mahAkakShe bilaukasaH .
na dahediti chAtmAna.n yo rakShati sa jIvati .. 20..\nAchakShurvetti panthAnaM nAchakShurvindate dishaH .. 21..\nAdhR^itirbhUtimApnoti budhyasvaivaM prabodhitaH .
anAptairdattamAdatte naraH shastramalohajam .
shvAvichchharaNamAsAdya pramuchyeta hutAshanAt .. 22..\charanmArgAnvijAnAti nakShatrairvindate dishaH .
AtmanA chAtmanaH pa~ncha pIDayannAnupIDyate .. 23..\anushiShTvAnugatvA cha kR^itvA chainAM pradakShiNam .
pANDavAnabhyanuGYAya viduraH prayayau gR^ihAn .. 24..\nivR^itte vidure chaiva bhIShme paurajane gR^ihAn .
ajAtashatrumAmantrya kuntI vachanamabravIt .. 25..\kShattA yadabravIdvAkya.n janamadhye.abruvanniva .
tvayA cha tattathetyukto jAnImo na cha tadvayam .. 26..\yadi tachchhakyamasmAbhiH shrotuM na cha sadoShavat .
shrotumichchhAmi tatsarva.n sa.nvAda.n tava tasya cha .. 27..\

viShAdagneshcha boddhavyamiti mA.n viduro.abravIt .
panthAshcha vo nAviditaH kashchitsyAditi chAbravIt .. 28..\jitendriyashcha vasudhAM prApsyasIti cha mAbravIt .
viGYAtamiti tatsarvamityukto viduro mayA .. 29..\

aShTame.ahani rohiNyAM prayAtAH phalgunasya te .
vAraNAvatamAsAdya dadR^ishurnAgara.n janam .. 30..\

tataH sarvAH prakR^itayo nagarAdvAraNAvatAt .
sarvama~Ngala sa.nyuktA yathAshAstramatandritAH .. 1..\shrutvAgatAnpANDuputrAnnAnA yAnaiH sahasrashaH .
abhijagmurnarashreShThA~nshrutvaiva parayA mudA .. 2..\te samAsAdya kaunteyAnvAraNAvatakA janAH .
kR^itvA jayAshiShaH sarve parivAryopatasthire .. 3..\tairvR^itaH puruShavyAghro dharmarAjo yudhiShThiraH .
vibabhau devasa~NkAsho vajrapANirivAmaraiH .. 4..\satkR^itAste tu pauraishcha paurAnsatkR^itya chAnaghAH .
ala~NkR^ita.n janAkIrNa.n vivishurvAraNAvatam .. 5..\te pravishya pura.n vIrAstUrNa.n jagmuratho gR^ihAn .
brAhmaNAnAM mahIpAla ratAnA.n sveShu karmasu .. 6..\nagarAdhikR^itAnA.n cha gR^ihANi rathinAM tathA .
upatasthurnarashreShThA vaishyashUdra gR^ihAnapi .. 7..\architAshcha naraiH pauraiH pANDavA bharatarShabhAH .
jagmurAvasathaM pashchAtpurochana puraskR^itAH .. 8..\tebhyo bhakShyAnnapAnAni shayanAni shubhAni cha .
AsanAni cha mukhyAni pradadau sa purochanaH .. 9..\tatra te satkR^itAstena sumahArha parichchhadAH .
upAsyamAnAH puruShairUShuH puranivAsibhiH .. 10..\dasharAtroShitAnA.n tu tatra teShAM purochanaH .
nivedayAmAsa gR^iha.n shivAkhyamashiva.n tadA .. 11..\tatra te puruShavyAghrA vivishuH saparichchhadAH .
purochanasya vachanAtkailAsamiva guhyakAH .. 12..\tattvagAramabhiprekShya sarvadharmavishAradaH .
uvAchAgneyamityevaM bhImasena.n yudhiShThiraH .
jighransomya vasA gandha.n sarpirjatu vimishritam .. 13..\kR^ita.n hi vyaktamAgneyamidaM veshma parantapa .
shaNasarjarasa.n vyaktamAnIta.n gR^ihakarmaNi .
mu~nja balvaja vaMshAdi dravya.n sarva.n ghR^itokShitam .. 14..\shilpibhiH sukR^ita.n hyAptairvinItairveshma karmaNi .
vishvastaM mAmayaM pApo dagdhakAmaH purochanaH .. 15..\imA.n tu tAM mahAbuddhirviduro dR^iShTavA.nstadA .
imA.n tu tAM mahAbuddhirviduro dR^iShTavAnpurA .. 16..\te vayaM bodhitAstena buddhavanto.ashiva.n gR^iham .
AchAryaiH sukR^ita.n gUDhairduryodhana vashAnugaiH .. 17..\

yadida.n gR^ihamAgneya.n vihitaM manyate bhavAn .
tatraiva sAdhu gachchhAmo yatra pUrvoShitA vayam .. 18..\

iha yattairnirAkArairvastavyamiti rochaye .
naShTairiva vichinvadbhirgatimiShTA.n dhruvAmitaH .. 19..\yadi vindeta chAkAramasmAka.n hi purochanaH .
shIghrakArI tato bhUtvA prasahyApi daheta naH .. 20..\nAyaM bibhetyupakroshAdadharmAdvA purochanaH .
tathA hi vartate mandaH suyodhana mate sthitaH .. 21..\api cheha pradagdheShu bhIShmo.asmAsu pitAmahaH .
kopa.n kuryAtkimartha.n vA kauravAnkopayeta saH .
dharma ityeva kupyeta tathAnye kurupu~NgavAH .. 22..\vaya.n tu yadi dAhasya bibhyataH pradravema hi .
spashairno ghAtayetsArvAnrAjyalubdhaH suyodhanaH .. 23..\apadasthAnpade tiShThannapakShAnpakShasa.nsthitaH .
hInakoshAnmahAkoshaH prayogairghAtayeddhruvam .. 24..\tadasmAbhirimaM pApa.n taM cha pApa.n suyodhanam .
va~nchayadbhirnivastavya.n chhannavAsaM kva chitkva chit .. 25..\te vayaM mR^igayA shIlAshcharAma vasudhAmimAm .
tathA no viditA mArgA bhaviShyanti palAyatAm .. 26..\bhauma.n cha bilamadyaiva karavAma susa.nvR^itam .
gUDhochchhvasAnna nastatra hutAshaH sampradhakShyati .. 27..\vasato.atra yathA chAsmAnna budhyeta purochanaH .
pauro vApi janaH kashchittathA kAryamatandritaiH .. 28..\
vidurasya suhR^itkashchitkhanakaH kushalaH kva chit .
vivikte pANDavAnrAjannida.n vachanamabravIt .. 1..\prahito vidureNAsmi khanakaH kushalo bhR^isham .
pANDavAnAM priya.n kAryamiti kiM karavANi vaH .. 2..\prachchhanna.n vidureNoktaH shreyastvamiha pANDavAn .
pratipAdaya vishvAsAditi ki.n karavANi vaH .. 3..\kR^iShNapakShe chaturdashyA.n rAtrAvasya purochanaH .
bhavanasya tava dvAri pradAsyati hutAshanam .. 4..\mAtrA saha pradagdhavyAH pANDavAH puruSharShabhAH .
iti vyavasitaM pArtha dhArtarAShTrasya me shrutam .. 5..\ki.n chichcha vidureNokto mlechchha vAchAsi pANDava .
tvayA cha tattathetyuktametadvishvAsakAraNam .. 6..\uvAcha ta.n satyadhR^itiH kuntIputro yudhiShThiraH .
abhijAnAmi saumya tvA.n suhR^idaM vidurasya vai .. 7..\shuchimAptaM priya.n chaiva sadA cha dR^iDhabhaktikam .
na vidyate kaveH ki.n chidabhiGYAnaprayojanam .. 8..\yathA naH sa tathA nastvaM nirvisheShA vaya.n tvayi .
bhavataH sma yathA tasya pAlayAsmAnyathA kaviH .. 9..\ida.n sharaNamAgneyaM madarthamiti me matiH .
purochanena vihita.n dhArtarAShTrasya shAsanAt .. 10..\sa pApaH koshavAMshchaiva sasahAyashcha durmatiH .
asmAnapi cha duShTAtmA nityakAlaM prabAdhate .. 11..\sa bhavAnmokShayatvasmAnyatnenAsmAddhutAshanAt .
asmAsviha hi dagdheShu sakAmaH syAtsuyodhanaH .. 12..\samR^iddhamAyudhAgAramida.n tasya durAtmanaH .
vaprAnte niShpratIkAramAshliShyeda.n kR^itaM mahat .. 13..\ida.n tadashubhaM nUnaM tasya karma chikIrShitam .
prAgeva viduro veda tenAsmAnanvabodhayat .. 14..\seyamApadanuprAptA kShattA yA.n dR^iShTavAnpurA .
purochanasyAviditAnasmA.nstva.n vipramochaya .. 15..\sa tatheti pratishrutya khanako yatnamAsthitaH .
parikhAmutkirannAma chakAra sumahadbilam .. 16..\chakre cha veshmanastasya madhye nAtimahanmukham .
kapATayuktamaGYAta.n samaM bhUmyA cha bhArata .. 17..\purochana bhayAchchaiva vyadadhAtsa.nvR^itaM mukham .
sa tatra cha gR^ihadvAri vasatyashubha dhIH sadA .. 18..\tatra te sAyudhAH sarve vasanti sma kShapAM nR^ipa .
divA charanti mR^igayAM pANDaveyA vanAdvanam .. 19..\vishvastavadavishvastA va~nchayantaH purochanam .
atuShTAstuShTavadrAjannUShuH paramaduHkhitAH .. 20..\na chainAnanvabudhyanta narA nagaravAsinaH .
anyatra vidurAmAtyAttasmAtkhanaka sattamAt .. 21..\
ITRANS of the Devanagiri from:
"Vaisampayana said, 'The wicked Duryodhana became very pleased when the king, O Bharata, had said so unto Pandavas. And, O bull of Bharata's race, Duryodhana, then, summoning his counsellor, Purochana in private, took hold of his right hand and said, 'O Purochana, this world, so full of wealth, is mine. But it is thine equally with me. It behoveth thee, therefore, to protect it. I have no more trustworthy counsellor than thee with whom to consult. Therefore, O sire, keep my counsel and exterminate my foes by a clever device. O, do as I bid thee. The Pandavas have, by Dhritarashtra, been sent to Varanavata, where they will, at Dhritarashtra's command, enjoy themselves during the festivities. Do that by which thou mayest this very day reach Varanavata in a car drawn by swift mules. Repairing thither, cause thou to be erected a quadrangular palace in the neighbourhood of the arsenal, rich in the materials and furniture, and guard thou the mansion well (with prying eyes). And use thou (in erecting that house) hemp and resin and all other inflammable materials that are procurable. And mixing a little earth with clarified butter and oil and fat and a large quantity of lac, make thou a plaster for lining the walls, and scatter thou all around that house hemp and oil and clarified butter and lac and wood in such a way that the Pandavas, or any others, may not, even with scrutiny behold them there or conclude the house to be an inflammable one. And having erected such mansion, cause thou the Pandavas, after worshipping them with great reverence, to dwell in it with Kunti and all their friends. And place thou there seats and conveyances and beds, all of the best workmanship, for the Pandavas, so that Dhritarashtra may have no reason to complain. Thou must also so manage it all that none of Varanavata may know anything till the end we have in view is accomplished. And assuring thyself that the Pandavas are sleeping within in confidence and without fear, thou must then set fire to that mansion beginning at the outer door. The Pandavas thereupon must be burnt to death, but the people will say that they have been burnt in (an accidental) conflagration of their house.
"Saying, 'So be it' unto the Kuru prince, Purochana repaired to Varanavata in a car drawn by fleet mules. And going thither, O king, without loss of time, obedient to the instructions of Duryodhana, did everything that the prince had bid him do."

"Vaisampayana said, 'Meanwhile the Pandavas got into their cars, yoking thereto some fine horses endued with the speed of wind. While they were on the point of entering their cars, they touched, in great sorrow, the feet of Bhishma, of king Dhritarashtra, of the illustrious Drona, of Kripa, of Vidura and of the other elders of the Kuru race. Then saluting with reverence all the older men, and embracing their equals, receiving the farewell of even the children, and taking leave of all the venerable ladies in their household, and walking round them respectfully, and bidding farewell unto all the citizens, the Pandavas, ever mindful of their vows, set out for Varanavata. And Vidura of great wisdom and the other bulls among the Kurus and the citizens also, from great affliction, followed those tigers among men to some distance. And some amongst the citizens and the country people, who followed the Pandavas, afflicted beyond measure at beholding the sons of Pandu in such distress, began to say aloud, 'King Dhritarashtra of wicked soul seeth no things with the same eye. The Kuru monarch casteth not his eye on virtue. Neither the sinless Yudhishthira, nor Bhima the foremost of mighty men, nor Dhananjaya the (youngest) son of Kunti, will ever be guilty (of the sin of waging a rebellious war). When these will remain quiet, how shall the illustrious son of Madri do anything? Having inherited the kingdom from their father, Dhritarashtra could not bear them. How is that Bhishma who suffers the exile of the Pandavas to that wretched place, sanctions this act of great injustice? Vichitravirya, the son of Santanu, and the royal sage Pandu of Kuru's race both cherished us of old with fatherly care. But now that Pandu that tiger among men, hath ascended to heaven, Dhritarashtra cannot bear with these princes his children. We who do not sanction this exile shall all go, leaving this excellent town and our own homes, where Yudhishthira will go.'

"Unto those distressed citizens talking in this way, the virtuous Yudhishthira, himself afflicted with sorrow, reflecting for a few moments said, 'The king is our father, worthy of regard, our spiritual guide, and our superior. To carry out with unsuspicious hearts whatever he biddeth, is indeed, our duty. Ye are our friends. Walking round us and making us happy by your blessings, return ye to your abodes. When the time cometh for anything to be done for us by you, then, indeed, accomplish all that is agreeable and beneficial to us.' Thus addressed, the citizens walked round the Pandavas and blessed them with their blessings and returned to their respective abodes.
“And after the citizens had ceased following the Pandavas, Vidura, conversant with all the dictates of morality, desirous of awakening the eldest of the Pandavas (to a sense of his dangers), addressed him in these words. The learned Vidura, conversant with the jargon (of the Mlechchhas), addressed the learned Yudhishthira who also was conversant with the same jargon, in the words of the Mlechchha tongue, so as to be unintelligible to all except Yudhishthira. He said, 'He that knoweth the schemes his foes contrive in accordance with the dictates of political science, should, knowing them, act in such a way as to avoid all danger. He that knoweth that there are sharp weapons capable of cutting the body though not made of steel, and understandeth also the means of warding them off, can never be injured by foes. He liveth who protecteth himself by the knowledge that neither the consumer of straw and wood nor the drier of the dew burneth the inmates of a hole in the deep woods. The blind man seeth not his way: the blind man hath no knowledge of direction. He that hath no firmness never acquireth prosperity. Remembering this, be upon your guard. The man who taketh a weapon not made of steel (i.e., an inflammable abode) given him by his foes, can escape from fire by making his abode like unto that of a jackal (having many outlets). By wandering a man may acquire the knowledge of ways, and by the stars he can ascertain the direction, and he that keepeth his five (senses) under control can never be oppressed y his enemies.'

"Thus addressed, Pandu's son, Yudhishthira the just replied unto Vidura, that foremost of all learned men, saying, 'I have understood thee.' Then Vidura, having instructed the Pandavas and followed them (thus far), walked around them and bidding them farewell returned to his own abode. When the citizens and Bhishma and Vidura had all ceased following, Kunti approached Yudhishthira and said, 'The words that Kshattri said unto thee in the midst of many people so indistinctly as if he did not say anything, and thy reply also to him in similar words and voice, we have not understood. If it is not improper; for us to know them I should then like to hear everything that had passed between him and thee.'

"Yudhishthira replied, 'The virtuous Vidura said unto me that we should know that the mansion (for our accommodation at Varanavata) hath been built of inflammable materials. He said unto me, 'The path of escape too shall not be unknown to thee,'--and further,--'Those that can control their senses can acquire the sovereignty of the whole world.'--The reply that I gave unto Vidura was, 'I have understood thee.'

"Vaisampayana continued, 'The Pandavas set out on the eighth day of the month of Phalguna when the star Rohini was in the ascendant, and arriving at Varanavata they beheld the town and the people.’

"Vaisampayana said, 'Then all the citizens (of Varanavata) on hearing that the son of Pandu had come, were filled with joy at the tidings, speedily came out of Varanavata, in vehicles of various kinds numbering by thousands, taking with them every auspicious article as directed by the Sastras, for receiving those foremost of men. And the people of Varanavata, approaching the sons of Kunti blessed them by uttering the Jaya and stood surrounding them. That tiger among men, viz., the virtuous Yudhishthira thus surrounded by them looked resplendent like him having the thunderbolt in his hands (viz., Indra) in the midst of the celestials. And those sinless ones, welcomed by the citizens and welcoming the citizens in return, then entered the populous town of Varanavata decked with every ornament. Entering the town those heroes first went, O monarch, to the abodes of Brahmanas engaged in their proper duties. Those foremost of men then went to the abodes of the officials of the town, and then of the Sutas and the Vaisyas and then to those of even the Sudras, O bull of Bharata's race, thus adored by the citizens, the Pandavas at last went with Purochana going before them, to the palace that had been built for them, Purochana then began to place before them food and drink and beds and carpets, all of the first and most agreeable order. The Pandavas attired in costly robes, continued to live there, adored by Purochana and the people having their homes in Varanavata.

"After the Pandavas had thus lived for ten nights, Purochana spoke to them of the mansion (he had built) called 'The Blessed Home,' but in reality the cursed house. Then those tigers among men, attired in costly dress, entered that mansion at the instance of Purochana like Guhyakas entering the palace (of Siva) on the Kailasa mount. The foremost of all virtuous men, Yudhishthira, inspecting the house, said unto Bhima that it was really built of inflammable materials. Smelling the scent of fat mixed with clarified butter and preparations of lac, he said unto Bhima, 'O chastiser of foes, this house is truly built of inflammable materials! Indeed, it is apparent that such is the case! The enemy, it is evident, by the aid of trusted artists well-skilled in the construction of houses, have finely built this mansion, after procuring hemp, resin, heath, straw, and bamboos, all soaked in clarified butter. This wicked wretch, Purochana, acting under the instruction of Duryodhana, stayeth here with the object of burning me to death when he seeth me trustful. But, O son of Pritha, Vidura of great intelligence, knew of this danger, and, therefore, hath warned me of it beforehand. Knowing it all, that youngest uncle of ours, ever wishing our good from affection hath told us that this house, so full of danger, hath been constructed by the wretches under Duryodhana acting in secrecy.'

"Hearing this, Bhima replied, 'If, sir, you know this house to be so inflammable, it would then be well for us to return thither where we had taken up our quarters first.' Yudhishthira replied, 'It seems to me that we should rather continue to live here in seeming unsuspiciousness but all the while with caution and our senses wide awake and seeking for some certain means of escape. If Purochana findeth from our countenances that we have fathomed designs, acting with haste he may suddenly burn us to death. Indeed, Purochana careth little for obloquy or sin. The wretch stayeth here acting under the instruction of Duryodhana. If we are burnt to death, will our grandfather Bhishma be angry? Why will he, by showing his wrath, make the Kauravas angry with him? Or, perhaps, our grandfather Bhishma and the other bull of Kuru's race, regarding indignation at such a sinful act to be virtuous, may become wrathful. If however, from fear of being burnt, we fly from here, Duryodhana, ambitious of sovereignty will certainly compass our death by means of spies. While we have no rank and power, Duryodhana hath both; while we have no friends and allies, Duryodhana hath both; while we are without wealth, Duryodhana hath at his command a full treasury. Will he not, therefore, certainly destroy us by adopting adequate means? Let us, therefore, by deceiving this wretch (Purochana) and that other wretch Duryodhana, pass our days, disguising ourselves at times. Let us also lead a hunting life, wandering over the earth. We shall then, if we have to escape our enemies, be familiar with all paths. We shall also, this very day, cause a subterranean passage to be dug in our chamber in great secrecy. If we act in this way, concealing what we do from all, fire shall never be able to consume us. We shall live here, actively doing everything for our safety but with such privacy that neither Purochana nor any of the citizens of Varanavata may know what we are after.'
"Vaisampayana continued, 'A friend of Vidura's, well-skilled in mining, coming unto the Pandavas, addressed them in secret, saying, 'I have been sent by Vidura and am a skilful miner. I am to serve the Pandavas. Tell me what I am to do for ye. From the trust he reposeth in me Vidura hath said unto me, 'Go thou unto the Pandavas and accomplish thou their good. What shall I do for you? Purochana will set fire to the door of thy house on the fourteenth night of this dark fortnight. To burn to death those tigers among men, the Pandavas, with their mother, is the design of that wicked wretch, the son of Dhritarashtra. O son of Pandu, Vidura also told thee something in the Mlechchha tongue to which thou also didst reply in same language. I state these particulars as my credentials.' Hearing these words, Yudhishthira, the truthful son of Kunti replied, 'O amiable one, I now know thee as a dear and trusted friend of Vidura, true and ever devoted to him. There is nothing that the learned Vidura doth not know. As his, so ours art thou. Make no difference between him and us. We are as much thine as his. O, protect us as the learned Vidura ever protecteth us. I know that this house, so inflammable, hath been contrived for me by Purochana at the command of Dhritarashtra's son. That wicked wretch commanding wealth and allies pursueth us without intermission. O, save us with a little exertion from the impending conflagration. If we are burnt to death here, Duryodhana's most cherished desire will be satisfied. Here is that wretch's well-furnished arsenal. This large mansion hath been built abutting the high ramparts of the arsenal without any outlet. But this unholy contrivance of Duryodhana was known to Vidura from the first, and he it was who enlightened us beforehand. The danger of which Kshattri had foreknowledge is now at our door. Save us from it without Purochana's knowledge thereof.' On hearing these words, the miner said, 'So be it,' and carefully beginning his work of excavation, made a large subterranean passage. And the mouth of that passage was in the centre of that house, and it was on a level with the floor and closed up with planks. The mouth was so covered from fear of Purochana, that wicked wretch who kept a constant watch at the door of the house. The Pandavas used to sleep within their chambers with arms ready for use, while, during the day, they went a-hunting from forest to forest. Thus, O king, they lived (in that mansion) very guardedly, deceiving Purochana by a show of trustfulness and contentment while in reality they were trustless and discontented. Nor did the citizens of Varanavata know anything about these plans of the Pandavas. In fact, none else knew of them except Vidura's friend, that good miner.'

Translation of Kisari Mohan Ganguli ,1883 -1896, at:
Appendix C Ardhasamskr.tam and semantic Clusters from Indic family of languages
On the meaning of ardhasamskr.tam

While discussing the rules for the use of solid instruments, Bharata in Natyas’astra defines the term, saindhavaka as a regional dialect. Saindhavaka is dependent on the Prakrit language current in the region of Sindhu. It should have musical accompaniments and songs. The va_dya should be of the varieties of vitasta and a_lipta ma_rgas. Here there should not be any text (for representation). Abhinavagupta notes that it consists of harsh and coarse language. It is in this that poets compose regional plays like D.ombika, Bijaka etc. which are the pastimes of the folk. (31.359-360)

Abhinavagupta notes that ra_saka called ra_dha_vipralambha composed by Bhejjala uses mainly saindhava language. (R.S. Nagar III, p. 70). In the context of the use of language for Dhruva_ songs, Abhinavagupta explains the use of the term ardhasamskr.tam by Bharata in 32.397.

In 32.396 to 397, Bharata notes: "Generally the language for the Dhruva_ is s'auraseni_. For Narkut.a the language is Ma_gadhi. For celestials the Dhruva_ song is prescribed in Sanskrit and for men the language should be half Sanskrit (meaning the mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit or any regional language)." Abhinavagupta explains that ardhasamskr.tam refers to the mixed language used in Kashmir by the name S'a_t.akula and the language used in by the name of Man.iprava_la. NP Unni notes that a 14th century text of Kerala titled Li_la_tilakam in Malayalam is also known as This work is said to defined Mani.prava_la language as 'bha_s.a_samskr.tayogo man.iprava_lam'.

Thus, s'a_t.akula and man.iprava_la may be cited as examples of ardhasamskr.tam.

In 27.48 in the chapter related to siddhi-vyañjakam (indication of success), Bharata notes one of the characteristics of arbitrators who will assess the virtues and blemishes of dramatic performance is that they should be knowledgeable in matters of dress, pious by nature and proficient in regional languages, apart from expertise in arts and artifacts. The technical term used by Bharata is: des'abha_s.a_vidha_najna_h.

Tarlekar notes: "The use of the Prakrit dialects in Sanskrit plays of the classical period points to the fact that these, together with Sanskrit were intelligble to the spectators. The hero speaks in
Sanskrit and the heroine responds in Prakrit and the hero further goes on in Sanskrit. All this would not have been possible if both were not intelligible to the characters concerned and the
spectators. In the popular plays like Prahasana, the people's language, that is, Prakrit was dominant." (G.H. Tarlekar, 1975, Studies in the Natyas'astra, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, p. 38).

ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (an~jana) (Santali). ran:ku 'tin' (Santali) Tin, solder: ran:ga tin (Skt.); (Pkt.); ra~_g pewter, tin (P.H.); ra~_ga_ pewter, tin (P.H.); solder (Or.Bi.Mth.); ra_n. tin, solder (Ku.N.A.B.); ra~_k (Ku.); ra_n.o (N.); ra_n:ga tin (Or.); ra_n:ga_ solder (Or.); (OAw.); ranga tin (Si.)(CDIAL 10562). ra_n.(g)ta_ tinsel, copper-foil (B.)(CDIAL 10567). [cf. ren. cement for metallic objects (G.); ren.i_ ingot (L.)(CDIAL 10639).] ran: t.odor a wristlet of pewter (Santali.lex.) ran:ga = tin; splendour, brilliance, glow and glitter (Ka.lex.) ran:garincu = to mix or rub with the finger, as any liquid and a solid or semi-solid substance (Te.lex.)

ran:ga, ran:gada borax (Skt.); run. saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth (Kho.)(CDIAL 10563). run:got solution of saline earth (Kho.)(CDIAL 10573).

rakamu = an item or article (of an account); an amount of money; an appointed quantity; a piece (Ka.M.H.); rakamu va_ru = article by article, piece by piece (Ka.M.H.)(Ka.lex.) rakam (Arabic rakm) an item; an article; a sum, an amount, a number (G.lex.) rakam upa_d.vi_ to borrow a sum of money; rakam na_me lakhvi_ to sell on credit a sum of money or an article of value, and enter it in the account-book (G.lex.)
805.Tin, solder: ran:ga tin (Skt.); (Pkt.); ra~_g pewter, tin (P.H.); ra~_ga_ pewter, tin (P.H.); solder (Or.Bi.Mth.); ra_n. tin, solder (Ku.N.A.B.); ra~_k (Ku.); ra_n.o (N.); ra_n:ga tin (Or.); ra_n:ga_ solder (Or.); (OAw.); ranga tin (Si.)(CDIAL 10562). ra_n.(g)ta_ tinsel, copper-foil (B.)(CDIAL 10567). [cf. ren. cement for metallic objects (G.); ren.i_ ingot (L.)(CDIAL 10639).] ran:ga = pewter; ran: pewter; ran: t.odor a wristlet of pewter (Santali.lex.) ran:ga = tin; splendour, brilliance, glow and glitter (Ka.lex.) ran:garincu = to mix or rub with the finger, as any liquid and a solid or semi-solid substance (Te.lex.)
rakha = a secret term for three (G.lex.) [Three long linear strokes is a recurrent motif in inscriptions of the civilization and appear in contexts where the 'sign' should be read not as a numeral but as 'rakha', tin or made of tin + copper, i.e .bronze].
r-an:ku, ran:ku = fornication, adultery (Te.lex.)
ranja a small bough for supporting climbing plants, a large peastick (Kui); branch (Kuwi)(DEDR 5162). [Note the imageries of a horned-person and a bough].
ra_ji streak, line, row (S'Br.); id. (MBh.); line (Pali); ra_i_ (Pkt.); wood, thick grove (M.); rada line (Si.)(CDIAL 10686). The meaning, 'thick grove', in Mara_t.hi_ is concordant with the etyma in DEDR 5162: small bough supporting climbing plants).
ra_n:kava belonging to the ran:ku deer (MBh.); made from the hair of the ran:ku deer, woollen (R.); coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100); a woollen cover or blanket (MBh.R.); ra_n:kava ku_t.a s'a_yin lying on a heap of woollen rags (MBh.); ra_n:kavajina a woollen skin; ra_n:kavastaran.a a woollen coverlet (R.); ra_n:kavastr.ta covered with a woollen rug (Skt.); ra_n:kavaka coming from raN;kiu (sai of men) (Pa_n. 4.2.134); ra_n:kava_yan.a coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100). ran:ku = a species of deer (Skt.); ran:kuka id. (Skt.); ra~_go buffalo bull (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559).). ra_n:kava made from the hair of the ran:ku deer (Ka.lex.) ra~_kat. big and boorish (M.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ran:ka slow, dull (Skt.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ro_hi a kind of deer (R.)(CDIAL 10870). rauhis.a, ro_his.a a kind of deer (Ka.lex.) ran:ku ‘antelope’ (Santali) ran:ku = a species of deer (Skt.); ran:kuka id. (Skt.)(CDIAL 10559). ra_n:kava belonging to the ran:ku deer (MBh.); made from the hair of the ran:ku deer, woollen (R.); coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100); a woollen cover or blanket (MBh.R.); ra_n:kava ku_t.a s'a_yin lying on a heap of woollen rags (MBh.); ra_n:kavajina a woollen skin; ra_n:kavastaran.a a woollen coverlet (R.); ra_n:kavastr.ta covered with a woollen rug (Skt.); ra_n:kavaka coming from ran:kiu (said of men) (Pa_n. 4.2.134); ra_n:kava_yan.a coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100). ran:ku a species of deer or antelope (Skt.lex.) ran:ku = a species of deer or antelope, the spotted axis (mare)(Ka.lex.)

kurunga = a kind of antelope; kurunga miga = the antelope deer (Pali); kulunga, kulanga (Skt.)(Pali.lex.) kulan:ga (MaitrS.); kulun:ga (TS); kuran:ga, kurun:ga (Pkt.); (Pali); kuran:g (P.); karam.gi_ (OG.); kura~g (G.); kurunga (Si.); kurangu the elk Rusa aristotelis (Si.)(CDIAL 3320). cf. kuran:g light chestnut colour (Kho.)(CDIAL 3321). kuran:ga = a species of antelope, antelope or deer (in general); kulun:ga = an antelope (VS 24; TS 5); kuran:gaka, kulan:ga = antelope; kuran:gama = an antelope; kuran:ga_yate to take the shape of an antelope (Skt.lex.) kurahu antelope (Kuwi), kuran:ga (Ka.) kulanga, kulunga = going in a herd, antelope (VS.); kulmi = a herd (TS. ii.4.5.2)

kut.hi = pubes. kola ‘foetus’ [Glyph of a foetus emerging from pudendum muliebre.] kut.hi = the pubes (lower down than pan.d.e) (Santali.lex.) kut.hi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kut.hi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H. kot.hi_, the womb)(Santali.lex.Bodding) ko_s.t.ha = anyone of the large viscera (MBh.); kot.t.ha = stomach (Pali.Pkt.); kut.t.ha (Pkt.); kot.hi_ heart, breast (L.); kot.t.ha_, kot.ha_ belly (P.); kot.ho (G.); kot.ha_ (M.)(CDIAL 3545). kottha pertaining to the belly (Pkt.); kotha_ corpulent (Or.)(CDIAL 3510). Kot.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha inner part] the stomach, the belly (G.lex.) ku_ti = pudendum muliebre (Ta.); posteriors, membrum muliebre (Ma.); ku.0y anus, region of buttocks in general (To.); ku_di = anus, posteriors, membrum muliebre (Tu.)(DEDR 188). ku_t.u = hip (Tu.); kut.a = thigh (Pe.); kut.e id. (Mand.); ku_t.i hip (Kui)(DEDR 1885). gu_de prolapsus of the anus (Ka.Tu.); gu_da, gudda id. (Te.)(DEDR 1891).

kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.)

kundi, kundiyamu = a sort of rim of stone placed upon a mortar to prevent spilling of rice (Te.lex.) kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali.lex.) kur..a, kud.a, kur..u, gur..a, gur..u a piece of iron used for the ran.t.e (and kun.t.e), a ploughshare (Ka.) *khut. pin (N.); khu~t.i_ wooden pin (M.)(CDIAL 3893); khun.t.a peg (Pkt.); khu~_t.a_ stump, stake, post, peg (H.); khu~_t.i_ peg (H.); khu~t.a_, khu~t.i_ stake, peg (M.)(CDIAL 3893). Pin: khu~t.a_ pin, wedge, stake, wooden post (B.); to stitch (N.); khut.a_ peg, post (Mth.); khu~t.a_ stake; khu~t.i_ wooden pin (M.)(CDIAL 3893). gu_n.t.a, gun.t.i, gun.t.e, gu_n.t.ige peg, pin, stake (Tu.); gun.t.a, gu_n.t.a, ku_t.a peg, plug (Ka.); gud.ida id., stumpy post (Ka.); gu.t.a peg, post (Kod..); gu_t.amu stake, post, peg (Tu.); gud.ide hinge, peg, pivot (Te.); kut.t.a pillar, post (Go.)(DBIA 104).

badhia = castrated boar (Santali)

bat.a = a quail, or snipe, coturuix coturnix cot; bon.d.e bat.a = a large quail; dak bat.a = the painted stripe, rostraluta benghalensis bengh; gun.d.ri bat.a = a small type, coloured like a gun.d.ri (quail); ku~k bat.a = a medium-sized type; khed.ra bat.a = the smallest of all; lan.d.ha bat.a = a small type (Santali.lex.), (Nag.); (Has.); [H. or perdix olivacea; Sad.] coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain-quail; two other kinds of quail are called respectigely: and gerea (Mundari.lex.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (G.lex.) vartika_ = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vat.t.aka_ quail (Pali); vat.t.aya (Pkt.); (N.)(CDIAL 11361). varta = *circular object; *turning round (Skt.); vat.u = twist (S.)(CDIAL 11346) = quail (Ku.B.); bat.ara, batara = the grey quail (Or.)(CDIAL 11350).

bat., bat.e = a road; bat. par.a = a highwayman, a spy (Santali.lex.) bhat.akavum [Skt. bhra_nta wandered fr. bhram to wander] to roam, to wander; bhat.aka_m pl. wanderings (G.lex.) to go about, to go here and there, as a dog in heat (Santali.lex.) bha_t.iyo = a class of va_nia_s; a milkman; a vegetable-seller; bha_t.hela_ pl. a class of (G.lex.) dobat.ia ‘cross roads, the junction of two roads’ (Santali) bat.oi traveller (Ku.); bat.ohi (N.); ba_t.oi, ba_t.ei (N.); bat.ohi_, bat.ohia_, bat.ohini (Mth.); bat.o(h)i_ (H.)(CDIAL 11367).

bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali) bat.hi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kut.hi) (Santali) bhat.a = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; it.a bhat.a = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhat.a a potter's kiln; cun bhat.a = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhat.aea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhat.t.ha_ (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhart-i_ya_ = a barzier, worker in metal; bhat., bhra_s.t.ra = oven, furnace (Skt.) me~r.he~t bat.i = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: me~t = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) bat.ha [H. bat.t.hi_ Sad.] any kiln, except a potter’s kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, e_re_bat.ha, a lac kiln, kuilabat.ha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe bat.hakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Bat.ha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; bat.i [H. Sad. bat.t.hi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. Arkibut.i and bat.iora, all meaning a grog-shop; occurs also in ilibat.i, a (licensed) rice-beer shop(Mundari.lex.)

bari_ = blacksmith, artisan (Ash.)(CDIAL 9464). = (Santali.lex.) = a blacksmith. “Although their physique, their language and their customs generally point to a Kolarian origin, they constitute a separate caste, which the Mundas consider as inferior to themselves, and the Baraes accept their position with good grace, the more so as no contempt is shown to them. …In every Munda village of some size there is at least one family of Baraes…The ordinary village smith is versed in the arts of iron-smelting, welding and tempering, and in his smithy, which is generally under one of the fine old large trees that form the stereotyped feature of the Mundari village, are forged from start to finish, all the weapons and the instruments and implements the Mundas require. There are of course individuals who succeed better than others in the making of arrows and various kinds of hunting-axes and these attract customers from other villages… they dig the kut.i (smelting furnace), they prepare and lay the bamboo tubes through which the air is driven from the bellows to the bottom of the furnace, they re-arrange the furnace after the lump of molten metal has been removed from it, and then the smith starts transforming it into ploughshares, hoes, yoking hooks and rings, arrow-heads, hunting axes of various shapes and sizes, wood axes, knives, his own implements, ladles, neat little pincers to extract thorns from hands and feet, needles for sewing mats and even razors. Formerly, he was also forging swords…susun-kanda (dancing-sword)…If it appears too bold to attribute the invention of iron smelting and working to some of the aboriginal inhabitants of this, in many respects so richly blessed part of India (Chota Nagpur), it is certain that no land in the world is better qualified to push man to this invention. The excavations made recently (in 1915) by Mr. Sarat Chandra Roy, the author of the Mundas and their Country have shown conclusively, that it was inhabited by man in the stone age, the copper age and the early iron age. Baraes are also found in the villages of Jashpur, Barwai, Biru, Nowagarh, Kolebira and Bano from which the Mundas have been either driven out by the Hindus or crowded out by the Uraons. There they have adopted the Sadani dialect but retained their own social and religious customs. In the districts named above they are called lohar or loha_ra, but in Gangpur they go under the name of Kamar. These Kamars are animists like the Lohars, but they use tanned hides for their single bellows, which they work by bulling, like the blacksmiths in Europe. The Lohars say that is is on account of this that they do not intermarry or eat with them any more. Baraes, Kamars and Lohars must not be confounded with the Aryan blacksmiths also called Lohars. These latter differ not only in race from the first but also in their methods of working. The Aryan blacksmith does not smelt iron, and uses only the single-nozzled hand bellows. He is met with only in such Chota Nagpur villages, where colonies of Hindu or Mohammedan landlords, merchants, money-lenders and native policement require his services, especially to get their bullocks and horses shod…The account the Baraes, Lohars and Kamars generally give of themselves is as follows: they say that they descend from Asura and Asurain, i.e., Asur and his wife, and that they were originally of one and the same caste with the Mundas. In this the Mundas agree with them… If the iron smelters and workers of the legend really belonged to the Munda race then their trade and art must in the beginning have given them a prominent position, such as is held in some ancient races by smiths…Like the Mundas they formerly burnt their dead, the bones of those dying out of their original village were carried back to it in a small earthen vessel into which some pice were placed, and this was then dashed to pieces against a rock in a river…Like the Mundas they practise ancestor worship in practically the same forms. Like them they worship Sin:bon:ga, whom the Lohars call Bhagwan… They also worship Baranda Buru whom the Sadani-speaking lohars call Bar Pahari… = the rice beer which has been brewed by the whole village, one pot per house, in honour of the Barae, and is drunk with him, at the end of the year; = a country-made hoe, = country-smelted iron; in contrast to cala_ni mer.ed, imported iron; = the energy of a blacksmith.” (Mundari.lex., Encyclopaedia Mundarica, Vol. II, pp. 410-419).

bar.hi, bar.hi_-mistri_, bar.u_i_, bar.u_i_-mistri_ (Sad.H. barha_i_) = a professional carpenter. This class of artisans is not found in purely Munda villages because every Munda knows carpentry enough for all his own purposes; trs. caus., to make somebody become a professional carpenter; intr., to call someone a carpenter; cina ka_m koko bar.hi_akoa? What kind of artisans are called carpenters; bar.hi-n rflx. v., to train oneself for, or to undertake, the work of a professional carpenter; bar.hi_-o, v., to become a professional carpenter; bar.hi_ kami = the work, the proession of carpenter, carpentry; bar.hi_-mistri_ a professional carpenter (Mundari.lex.)

bad.hi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ (Santali) = a blacksmith; kudlam = a country made hoe, in contrast to cala_ni kudlam, an imported hoe; mer.ed – country smelted iron; muruk = the energy of a blacksmith (Mundari.lex.) = (Santali.lex.) bari_ = blacksmith, artisan (Ash.)(CDIAL 9464). The occurrence of bari_ in Ash. (CDIAL 9464) and in Mundari and of vardhaka in Skt. point to the early phonetic form: bard.a; barduga = a man of acquirements, a proficient man (Ka.)

bad.ohi = a worker in wood, a village carpenter; bad.hor.ia = expert in working in wood; bad.hoe = a carpenter, worker in wood; bad.horia = adj. Who works in wood; (as a scolding to children who use a carpenter’s implements) mischievous (Santali.lex.) ba_r. blade of a khukri (N.); badhri_, badha_ru_ knife with a heavy blade for reaping with (Bi.); ba_r.h, ba_r. = edge of knife (H.); va_d.h (G.); ba_r.h = book-binders papercutter (Bi.); brdha_n.u_ = to sheer sheep (WPah.)(CDIAL 11371). vardha a cutting (Skt.); a cut (S.)(CDIAL 11372). vardh- = to cut (Skt.); vardhaka carpenter (R.); bardog, bardox axe (Kho.); wadok (Kal.); wa_t. axe (Wg.); wa_t.ak (Pas'.)(CDIAL 11374)., bad.gya_ carpenter (Kon.lex.) bad.hi, bar.hi mistri, bad.hoe, bad.ohi, kat. bad.hoe carpenter (Santali.lex.) bad.agi, bad.a_yi, bad.iga, bad.igi, bad.ige, bad.igya_, bad.d.agi (Tadbhava of vardhaki) a carpenter; bad.agitana carpentry (Ka.lex.) Image: stick:, bar.iya stick (Kuwi); stick, club; badga walking stick (Kuwi);,, bad.d.e, bad.d.i, bar.iya, war.iya_ stick (Go.); bar.iya stick (Pa.); vat.i small cane or stick; vat.ippu iron rod (Ta.); vat.i stick, staff, club or armed brahmans, shaft, stroke; vat.ikka to strike; vat.ippikka to have the measure struck (Ma.); bad.i, bad.e, bod.i, bod.e to beat, strike, thrash, bang, pound; n. beating, blow, castration, a short thick stick, cudgel; bad.ike beating; bad.ige stick, staff, cudgel, hammer, mallet; bad.isu to cause to beat; bad.ukatana beating, etc.; ba_y bad.i to prevent one from speaking, silence one (Ka.); bad.i (bad.ip-, bad.ic-) to hammer, pound; ba.y bad.i- to bawl out (Kod..); bad.ipuni, bad.iyuni to strike, beat, thrash; bad.u stick, cudgel (Tu.); bad.ita, bad.iya, bad.e thick stick, cudgel (Te.); bed.ta club; bad.ya walking stick (Kol.); bad.iga big walking stick; stick (Kond.a); stick, staff (Pe.); stick (Mand..); bad.ga_ cudgel, stick; to bruise, beat (M.)(DEDR 5224). bharia a carrying stick (Santali.lex.) vad.aga_ a stick, staff (M.); bad.iko_l a staff for striking, beating or pounding; bad.i-man.i an instrument for levelling a surface by beating; bad.iho_ri a gelded young bull (Ka.)(Ka.lex.) vardhaka =in cmpd. = cutting (Skt.); ci_vara-vad.d.haka = tailor; vad.d.haki = carpenter, building mason; vad.d.hai_ = carpenter (Pkt.); vad.d.haia = shoemaker (Pkt.); ba_d.ho_i_ = carpenter (WPah.); ba_d.hi (WPah.); bar.hai, bar.ahi (N.); ba_rai (A.);, ba_r.ui (B.); bar.hai_, bar.ha_i, ba_r.hoi (Or.); bar.ahi_ (Bi.); bar.hai_ (Bhoj.); va_d.ha_ya_ (M.); vad.u-va_ (Si.); vardhaki carpenter (MBh.); vad.d.haki carpenter, building mason (Pali)(CDIAL 11375). vad.hin.i_ cutting (S.); vardhana cutting, slaughter (Mn.)(CDIAL 11377). vad.d.ha_pe_ti cuts (moustache)(Pali); badhem I cut, shear (Kal.); so_r-berde_k custom of cutting an infant's original hair (Kho.); bad.n.o_ to cut, (K.); vad.han.u (S.); vad.d.han. to cut, reap (L.); ba_d.hna_ to cut, shear (H.)(CDIAL 11381). va_d.ho carpenter (S.); va_d.d.hi_, ba_d.d.hi_ (P.)(CDIAL 11568). bed.i_r sledgehammer (Kho.); (Gaw.); bad.i_r (Bshk.); bad.hi_r axe (Phal.); sledgehammer (Phal.)(CDIAL 11385).

Abhidha_na Cinta_man.i of Hemachandra states that mleccha and mleccha-mukha are two of the twelve names for copper: ta_mram (IV.105-6: ta_mram mlecchamukham s'ulvam rakt tam dvas.t.amudumbaram; mlecchas'a_varabheda_khyam markata_syam kani_yasam; brahmavarddhanam varis.t.ham si_santu si_sapatrakam). milakkhurajanam (The Thera andTheriga_tha_, PTS, verse 965: milakkhurajanam rattam garahanta_ sakam dhajam; tithiya_nam dhajam keci dha_ressanty avada_takam; K.R.Norman, tr., Theraga_tha_: Finding fault with their own banner which is dyed the colour of copper, some will wear the white banner of sectarians).[cf. Asko and Simo Parpola, On the relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha, Studia Orientalia, vol. 46, 1975, pp. 205-38)]. Amarakos'a (2.9.97; K.G. Oka, The Amarakos'a, repr. Delhi, 1981, p. 155) reads: atha ta_mrakam, s'ulvam mlecchamukham dvyas.t.a varis.t.h odumbara_n.i ca: four words are given as synonyms: ta_mraka, s'ulva, mlecchamukham, udumbaram. The section appended to the Vedic Kalpa or S'rautasu_tra on the rules of making fire-altars, their diagrams and geometry is referred to as s'ulbasu_tra; if s'ulva refers to copper, the su_tra or rajju, the measuring rope should be interpreted as copper wire. Another interpretation could be: rules for copper (in alchemical terms). Kaut.ilya's Arthas'a_stra (ca. 3rd cent. BCE)recognizes s'ulba means (1) copper (2.13.16 and 44; 2.14.20-22 and 30-31); and (2) underground vein of metal ore (2.12.1) or water (2.24.1) (Kangle, R.P., 1960, The Arthas'a_stra, Bombay.). cf. Edgerton, P., 1970, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, repr. Delhi, p.531: ta_mraloham ca sulvam; p. 533, sasulbika = coppersmith.

Appendix D Some excerpts from Muhly, Forbes, Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud on sources of tin; tin of Melukkha !
Cuneiform texts from Mari on the Euphrates record the storage of 500 kilograms of tin, and shipment to cities such as Ugarit on the Syrian coast, to Dan and Hazor in Palestine, and even to Captara, i.e. Crete. (Edwin Yamauchi, 1993, Metal sources and metallurgy in the biblical world, Oxford, OH 45056, Dept. of History, Miami University From: PSCF 45 (December 1993): 252-259. ) [See: G. Dossin, "La route de l'étain en Mesopotamie au temps de Zimri-Lim," Revue d'Assyriologie 64 (1970), 97-106. M. Heltzer, "The Metal Trade of Ugarit and the Problem of Transportation of Commercial Goods," Iraq 39 (1977), 203-11. A. Malamat, "Syro-Palestinian Destinations in a Mari Tin Inventory," Israel Exploration Journal 21 (1971), 31-38.]
"The Bronze Age exploitation of the Omani copper deposits seems to have coincided with what are most likely two related phenomena: (1) references in Mesopotamian texts to copper from Magan and to obtaining that copper either directly from Magan or through the intermediate agency of Dilmun (the island of Bahrain)-- the copper did not come FROM Dilmun but THROUGH Dilmun; and (2) the period of the Mature Harappan phase of the Indus Valley Civilization.
"This second correlation suggests that contact and trade with Mesopotamia were factors contributing to the development of the Indus Valley civilization, established in an area known to the Sumerians as the land of Melukkha. So close was the relationship that the traders of Dilmun used the same system of weights and measures as that found in the Indus Valley. From the figures given in Sumerian texts it would appear that the Dilmun shekel was about three times heavier than the standard Sumerian one. It has been thought by some scholars that transactions at Ebla (modern Tell Mardikh) were also conducted on the basis of the Dilmun shekel, but this reading of the sign in question in the Ebla texts cannot be substantiated, and all theories regarding references to Dilmun at Ebla remain conjectural.
"The amount of copper involved in this trade was quite considerable. One text from Ur (UET 5 796), dated to the reign of Rim-Sin of Larsa (1822-1763 BCE), records the receipt in Dilmun of 611 talents, 6 2/3 minas of copper (presumably from Magan). This shipment, according to the text, was weighed according to the standard of Ur, giving a modern equivalent of 18,333 kilograms (40,330 pounds) of copper. One-third of this copper was earmarked for delivery to of Ur, a merchant who had close connections with Magan and the Dilmun copper trade...This contact beween Metopotamia and the Indus Valley, the land of Melukkha, was clearly by sea and must have brought products across the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. These products included the copper of Magan. Did they also include the tin of Afghanistan and Central Asia, perhaps the tin designated by Gudea, king of Lagash (now known to be a contemporary of Ur-Nammu, king of Ur, circa 2100 BCE), as the tin of Melukkha?
Tin of Melukkha
"Tin and the Development of Bronze Metallurgy. Early Use of Bronze. The most important metallurgical development during the Early Bronze Age was the discovery that adding tin to copper produced a far superior metal, eventually known as bronze. In its classic form, bronze has 10 percent tin and 90 percent copper. The addition of even 2 percent tin has noticeable effects upon the hardness and working properties of copper, but anything over 16 percent tin is undesirable, for a very high tin content makes copper brittle and difficult to work. Objects such as the ax head from the A cemetery at Kish (modern Tell al-Uhaimir; Early Dynastic, or ED, IIIB), with 15.5 percent tin, are probably to be assessed as being of early, experimental alloys.
"The historical development of bronze metallurgy has been difficult to document, and locating ancient sources of tin has proved to be an even more intractable problem...the cache of human figurines from Tell Judeidah (northern Syria), the excavators' date of about 3000 (transition Amuq G-H) still seems the most probable...A pin from Tepe Gawra VIII (early third millennium) siad to have 5.6 percent tin unfortunately can no longer be located, but four artifacts from the Y cemetary at Kish, of ED I date, proved to have more than 2 percent tin. These are the earliest examples of bronze from Mesopotamia. One of these objects, a spouted jar, has 6.24 percent tin...
"Sources of Tin and the Tin Trade...The tin was brought to Asshur from some point further east, most likely Afghanistan. The Assyrian merchants purchased the tin for reshipment, by donkey caravan, and sale (at a 100 percent markup) in Anatloia...The Old Assyrian tin trade was on a large scale and enriched three generations of Old Assyrian merchant families...
"Tin exists in nature in the form of cassiterite, an oxide of tin. The cassiterite most likely utilized by Bronze Age metal workers was alluvial or placer cassiterite, popularly known as tin-stone and present as nuggets or pebbles in the beds of streams...Alluvial cassiterite was collected by panning the bed of a stream, much like the recovery of alluvial gold...Gold and tin often occur within the same general area as, for example, in the Eastern (Arabian) Desert of Egypt. Ancient Sardis, the region of the Tmolus (modern Boz Dag) mountain range and the Pactolus River, was famous as an ancient source of alluvial gold, the source of wealth for Croesus, king of Lydia, but no placer cassiterite has been documented from Anatolia...
"Mari and the Tin Trade...the texts from Mari (Tell Hariri), dating mainly to the first half ot the eighteenth century BCE...(tin) came to Mari through Elam, from Susa and Anshan (now identified with the Central Iranian site of Tepe Malyan), and Elamites played a major role in the trade, especially a man named Kuyaya. Certain merchants from Mari were also heavily involved in the tin trade with Elam, among them a merchant named Ishkhi-Dagan (the two appear together in ARM 23 555). The tin came to Mari in the form of ingots (Akkadian le_'u) that weighed about ten pounds each. It is possible to obtain some idea of the relative value of this tin, for a number of the Mari texts provide a tin:silver ratio of 10:1 (the most common ratio; a few texts give ratios from 8:1 to 15:1). This is to be compared with isolated referenced to a tin:gold ratio (48:1), a confusing silver:gold ratio of 4:1 as well as 2:1, and a lead:silver ratio (1200:1). The usual copper:silver ratio at Mari was 180:1 for unrefined 'mountain' copper, with refined (litarally 'washed') copper being valued at 150:1. This means that tin was usually from fifteen to eighteen times more valuable than copper...In later texts from Nuzi (fifteenth century BCE) goods were priced in amounts of tin. An ox cost thirty-six minas of tin; an ass, twenty-four minas. During the Middle Assyrian period tin seems to have functioned as the monetary standard (temporarily replacing the customary silver). Plots of land were purchased with tin...
"The cuneiform archives contain a number of 'recipe' texts, giving the amounts of coper and tin used to make specified amounts of bronze. One of the earlist such texts, from Palace G at Ebla, records that 3 minas, 20 shekels of tin were alloyed with 30 minas of copper to produce 200 objects of bronze, each weighing 10 shekels. In other words, 200 shekels of tin were mixed with 1,800 shekels of copper to produce 2,000 shekels of a 10 percent tin-bronze. In one Mari text 20 shekels of tin were added to 170 shekels of refined copper from Teima at the rate of 1:8, to produce 190 shekels of bronze for a key (to the lock of a city gate)...This means that smiths at Mari were working with the metals themselves--with copper and tin--not with ores or minerals. That is no smelting was being carried out in the vicinity of the Mari palace...
"At the other end of the Mari trade network, the texts record that tin stored at Mari was transhipped to various cities in the Levant, from Karkamish in the north to Hazor in the south. This we learn from a remarkable tin itinerary that concludes with the recording of '1 (+) minas of tin to the Cretan; 1/3 mina of tin to the translator, chief (merch)ant among the Cretans; (dispensed) at Ugarit...' (ARM 23 556). This striking passage indicates that there were Minoan merchants (the text uses the name Kaptaru, generally taken to designate the island of Crete) doing business (perhaps also residing) at Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra) toward the beginning of the Old Palace period in Crete. Furthermore, the Minoan merchants seem to have had a translator (Akkadian, targamannum; the origin of the common European 'dragoman') who was also the leader of the Minoans doing business at Ugarit. Such translators are known from other periods of Mesopotamian history. We have the cylinder seal of a Sargonic official who served as translator for the Melukkha merchants who came to Agade from the Indus Valley, perhaps bringing with them the tin of Melukkha, a commodity mentioned in one of the statue inscriptions of Gudea, ruler of Lagash. A Mari text, dated to the ninth year of the reign of Zimri-Lim, refers to the construction of a 'small Kaptaru boat', perhaps to be taken as a model ship for ritual purposes or as the designation of a ship built for sailing to Crete. A possible parallel for this would be the Egyptian references to Byblos ships (for sailing to the ancien Syrian port of Byblos (modern Jubayl) and Keftiu ships (built for sailing to Crete)...
"Bronze certainly was being produced in Middle Minoan Crete, with production undergoing a great expansion during the Late Bronze Age, as it did on the Greek mainland...The problem is that, at present, no satisfactory analytical method for studying the provenance of tin has been discovered." (James D. Muhly, 1995, Mining and Metalwork in Ancient Western Asia, in: Jack M. Sasson, ed. 1995, Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. III, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, pp. 1501-1521).
"In the ancient Near East... when working gold by streaming, nodules of cassiterite (or tin-stone SnO2) were found. This cassiterite was reduced by workers already proficient in the production of gold, silver and lead. The metal obtained was held to be a kind of lead. [In Sanskrit, the term for lead is: na_ga. In Akkadian, the term for tin is: anakku). Lead and antimony were already used to increase the ease with which copper could be cast, but neither of them improved in its other qualities, notably the tensile strength. From trials with the new kind of 'lead', it would be learnt that this mixture was now improved in tensile strength as well as in ease of casting. Nor was it necessary to produce this new metal first; unrefined copper had only to be smelted with charcoal and stream-tin to produce a new kind of 'copper' (ayas in Rigveda), namely bronze, with superior qualities for tools and weapons. At the same time, certain naturally mixed ores were also worked, and were found to give the better kind of 'copper' directly. We have no proof that the tin compound of these mixed ores was ever isolated or recognized. Furthermore, at this early stage the tin content of the bronze could not be adequately controlled, and therefore varied between fairly wide limits." (Adapted from: R.J.Forbes, 1954, Extracting, smelting and alloying, in: Charles Singer, E.J.Holmyard and AR Hall (eds.), 1954, A History of Technology, Oxford, Clarendon Press).
Diffusion of Metallurgy: Meluhha and western Afghanistan sources of tin
"Investigators in all periods have been faced with one major fact. Because southern Mesopotamia is virtually lacking in mineral resources, the materials used to make the metal artifacts found there must have come from another locale. Thus, our research led to the metallogenic zones in Iran, Afghanistan and Oman, where ores of copper, amont others, are known to occur in substantial quantities...we have also uncovered significant new information on tin deposits which could have been exploited in antiquity...Other metals were also used for this purpose (alloying) by ancient metal workers, most notably arsenic, antimony and lead. Arsenic, in particular, played an important role in the early metallurgy of the Near East...The earliest occurrence of tin-bronze date to the 4th millennium.Though the total number of artifacts analyzed from this period is not large, those of tin-bronze are even fewer: three pins from Necropolis A at Susa (with tin contents of 4%, 8% and 2.3% respectively), and an awl from Sialk III (0.95%). In the later 4th and early 3rd millennia, greater tin values occur--5.3% in a pin from Susa B; and 5% in an axe from Mundigak III in Afghanistan; but these are still exceptional in a period characterized by the use of arsenical copper...arond 270 BC, during Early Dynastic III in Mesopotamia...eight metal artifacts of forty-eight in the celebrated 'vase a la cachette' of Susa D are bronzes; four of them -- three vases and one axe -- have over 7% tin. The analyses of objects from the Royal Cemetery at UR present an even clearer picture: of twenty-four artifacts in the Iraq Museum subjected to analysis, eight containing significant quantities of tin and five with over 8% tin can be considered true bronzes in the traditional sense...In addition, a contemporary shaft-hole axe from Kish contains 4% tin, and significant amounts were detected in a few artifacts from Tepe Giyan and Tepe Yahya IVB in Iran, and Hili in Oman. Thus, we see an increasing pattern of tin usage...We explored the area south of Herat, where several deposits of tin were said to exist. At Misgaran, tin appears 500 meters north of a copper mine which was worked in ancient times, although the precise dates of exploitation are not known. The copper ores here contain over 600 ppm (0.06) of tin. Tin-bearing sands, which can be easily beneficiated by panning, were worked in the nearby Sarkar Valley. There too the tin was found in association with copper, green traces of which are visible throughout the landscape...Gudea of Lagash (2150-2111BCE)speaks of the tin of Meluhha...the geographer Strabo (XV.2.10) who, in referring to the inhabitants of Drangiana (modern Sistan), says that they have 'only scanty supplies of wine, but they have tin in their country'...this passage..does accord well with the discoveris in the area of Herat...There are two possible routes from Afghanistan to Mesopotamia. One crosses the northern part of the Iranian plateau, along the Elburz mountains, then through the passes in the Zagros descends to Babylonia and Assyria. In the 1st millennium it was one of the principal supply routes of eastern goods to Assyria. In the 2nd millennium the tin that Assur exported to Anatolia might have followed this route. Along it are found such sites as Tepe Sialk (where the use of tin is attested in the 4th millennium), Tepe Giyan and Tepe Hissar, wehre other finds (such as lapis lazuli at Hissar) implicate them in long-distance commerce in the 3rd millennium.
"The second route is by sea, along the Arabian coast of the Gulf, perhaps also going by land through souther n Iran. It was at the time of Gudea of Lagash and earlier in the Early Dynastic III period, the great supply route of eastern commodities to southern Mesopotamia. It is by this route that the copper of Makkan came, copper which analysis has shown to have originated in the peninsula of Oman. It also brought the products of Meluhha, including lapis lazuli, carnelian, copper, ivory and various woods. Nothing, however, suggests the passage of tin through this area. For example, there is little tin in the artifacts recovered at Qala'at al Bahrain, dating between 2300 and 1800 BC. Furthermore, we know from the work of Limet, who studied texts concerned with metalworking in Sumer, that Mesopotamian metalworkers did their own alloying. We suspect, therefore, that the tin moved through this area in an unalloyed state.
"Recently Oman has yielded the first signs of the use of tin in the region. The analysis of a sword from Hili, dated to the mid-3rd millennium, shows a tin content of 6.5%, and a mold of a tap hole (?) associated with the remains of a furnace held metal with a tin content of 5%. The furnace is dated after the tree-ring calibration of a radiocarbon analysis (MC 2261) to circa 2225 is clear that the tin was added to the copper and it is also clear that it did not come from Oman itself. At Umm an-Nar artifacts with tin contents on the order of 2% were recovered; the tin must have been mixed with the local copper...Meluhha...the use of tin is attested already in the late 4th or early 3rd millennium at Mundigak III in southern Afghanistan. Tin appears only in small quantities in artifacts from Sahr-i-Sokhta in eastern Iran and at Tepe Yahya in southern Iran...In the Indus Valley, the copper-tin alloy is known at Mohenjodaro.
"...Oman's trade with southeastern Iran and Baluchistan is well attested...Among the products attributed to Meluhha, lapis lazuli and carnelian are found in sites and tombs of the 3rd millennium. We can suggest with reasonable certainty that the tin used in Oman was in transit through Meluhha and that the most likely source was western Afghanistan. The discoveries of tin in artifacts at Hili, though singular, are important because the site lies in an area clearly involved in long-distance trade. However, there is no clear evidence that the site was a way-station on the route which brought tin from Afghanistan to Mesopotamia. Therefore the presence of tin at Hili indicates only that it was transported in the Gulf area, where it was also used to fill local needs.
"The collective indications are that western Afghanistan ws the zone able to provide the tin used in Southwest Asia in the 4th and 3rd millennia...In order to elucidate the questions raised by our findings, a project aimed specifically at tin-- its sources and metallurgy-- should be organized." (Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud, Early Tin in the Near East, in: Expedition, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1982, pp. 14-19).